*     NOV    2   1^00      * 


N«, 


THE   VlCTUKlors   HYMN   OK   MENKl'TAH    11    CONTAINING.  IN   THE   MID- 
DLE OF  THE  SECOND  LINE  f'ROM   BELOW.  THE  NAME  "ISRAEL." 


THE  MONUMENTS  AND  THE 
OLD  TESTAMENT 

EVIDENCE  FROM  ANCIENT  RECORDS 

/ 

BY 

IRA  MAURICE  PRICE,  Ph.D. 

ASSOCIATE  PROFESSOR  OF   SEMITIC  LANGUAGES  AND  LITERATUKKS 
IN  THE   UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO 

WITff  MAPS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS 

SECOND  EDITION 


CHICAGO 
THE  CHRISTIAN  CULTURE  PRESS 

1900 


Copyright,  1899 
By  IRA  M.  PRICE 


Set  up,  Electrotyped  and  Printed,  Sept.-Oct.,  1899; 
Second  Edition,  Jan.,  igoo 


TO 
MY  FATHER  AND   MOTHER 


PEEFACE 

The  new-old  stories  told  by  oriental  tablets,  tem- 
ples, and  tombs,  have  revealed  to  us  a  new  world  in 
the  ancient  Orient.  These  stories  are  the  fruitage  of 
a  full  half-century  of  exploration,  excavation,  dis- 
covery, and  decipherment  of  oriental  antiquities. 
The  records  of  these  achievements  now  fill  scores  of 
volumes  extending  through  a  half-century  of  time. 
Eomantic  and  fascinating  as  all  these  volumes  may 
be,  they  are  manifestly  not  within  the  reach  of  our 
readers,  nor  are  they  desired  by  the  majority  of  them. 
Scattered  here  and  there  throughout  these  works,  we 
find  material  of  especial  interest  to  readers  and  stu- 
dents of  the  Bible.  This  information  is  so  distrib- 
uted and  intermingled  with  a  mass  of  other  matter, 
that  its  separation  and  organization  require  long  and 
patient  toil. 

This  volume  is  an  attempt  to  furnish  an  answer  to 
this  oft-heard  question:  "Where  shall  I  be  able  to 
find,  in  concise  form,  the  best  reliable  information 
furnished  by  the  monuments,  illustrative  of  the  Old 
Testament  ?^^  The  abundance  of  material  in  several 
periods  of  history,  and  the  multifarious  themes  call- 
ing for  treatment,  were  continuous  sources  of  em- 

1 


2  PREFACE 

barrassment.  But  the  limits  of  space  required  a 
selection  and  condensation  of  the  most  important 
monumental  matter.  Certain  chapters  present  with 
some  fullness  the  events  of  the  Old  Testament  rec- 
ords. This  was  due  to  the  necessity  of  painting  the 
picture  in  which  the  monumental  characters  appear 
and  play  so  important  a  role. 

This  work  is  intended  for  those  readers  and  stu- 
dents of  the  Bible  and  ancient  history  who  are  not 
able  to  read  the  inscriptions  on  the  monuments,  or 
to  make  practical  use  of  the  larger  technical  works. 
Of  course,  some  outline  knowledge  of  the  periods  of 
Old  Testament  history  is  presupposed.  The  book  is 
so  arranged  that  it  yields  readily  to  a  plan  of  read- 
ing and  study,  covering  a  period  of  six  months.  These 
chapters  in  their  condensed  form  are  merely  intro- 
ductions to  a  wider  study  of  the  fascinating  themes. 
Readers  who  desire  to  investigate  the  subjects  farther 
will  find  on  pages  301-6  a  select  list  of  references  to 
the  best  and  latest  semi-popular  books  on  the  monu- 
ments. This  plan  was  preferred  to  that  of  present- 
ing scores  of  titles  of  books  on  each  chapter,  which 
are  either  antiquated,  or  permeated  with  unproved 
theories,  or  too  diffuse  for  busy  readers  or  students. 

The  convenience  of  students  was  also  consulted 
in  the  arrangement  of  the  book.  It  will  be  seen 
that  the  "Contents"  give  the  theme  of  each  of  the 
two  hundred  and  eighty-five  sections,  distributed 
under  the  twenty-five  chapters.     The  "List  of  Illus- 


PREFACE  3 

trations^^  is  arranged,  not  according  to  the  succession 
of  pages,  but  in  alphabetical  order.  The  head-line  of 
each  page  presents  the  theme  discussed  on  that  page. 
The  "Ancient  Dates  Mentioned,"  "Texts  Quoted  and 
Noted,''  and  "Index,"  put  the  volume  at  the  ready 
command  of  every  reader. 

The  author  has  laid  under  tribute  to  this  work  the 
best  available  sources.  These  are  amply  named  in  the 
list  of  "Books  for  Further  Study,"  in  "Texts 
Quoted"  (pp.  310-2),  and  occasionally  in  the  body  of 
the  book.  Familiarity  with  the  original  texts  of  the 
cuneiform  inscriptions  was  of  especial  value  in  that 
part  of  the  work  treating  of  the  light  from  those 
sources. 

An  attempt  has  been  made  to  present  a  selection 
only  of  the  available  illustrations  that  represent  the' 
discovery,  decipherment,  and  contents  of  the  inscrip- 
tions. The  gratitude  of  the  author  is  hereby  ex- 
pressed to  the  several  publishers  who  either  furnished 
electrotypes,  or  granted  permission  to  copy  illustra- 
tions from  their  works.  Due  acknowledgment  for 
these  courtesies  is  found  in  the  "List  of  Illustra- 
tions" (pp.  13-15),  under  the  several  subjects.  The 
author's  thanks  are  also  due  the  University  of  Chi- 
cago Press  for  the  use  of  several  electrotype  plates. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  care  exercised  in  the 
production  of  the  book,  the  author  has  lived  long 
enough  to  know  that  some  errors  escape  the  keenest 
scrutiny  and  the  sharpest  eye. 


4  PREFACE 

It  is  the  sincere  hope  of  the  author  that  this  book 
may  be  a  right-hand  helper  in  the  study  of  the  Old 
Testament;  that  it  may  infuse  new  life  into  the  ear- 
lier and  the  later  periods  of  the  history;  that  it  may 
cast  a  new  halo  about  the  heads  of  the  prophets  who 
faced  the  conditions  existent  during  the  activity  of 
the  great  kings  of  the  East  and  the  West;  and  that 
it  may  present  an  unimpeachable  argument  for  the 
historicity  of  much  of  this  Old  Testament  revelation. 

Ira  M.  Price. 

Chicago,  September  25, 1899. 


CONTENTS 

INTRODUCTION 

A  century's  gleams  out  of  the  orient 

1.  A  century  of  romance. — 2.  Israel  greatly  antedated. 
— 3.  A  new  background  to  the  Old  Testament. — 4.  A  new 
geography. — 5.  A  better  chronology. — 6.  Discovery  con- 
tinuous.— 7.  Some  results  provisional,     -  -  17-21 

CHAPTER  I 

A  FRAGMENTARY   OLD   TESTAMENT 

8.  Chief  events  mentioned. — 9.  Chief  events  omitted. — 10. 
The  moral  character  of  the  narrative. — 11.  Progression  in 
the  thought. — 12.  The  need  of  a  background. — 13.  Israel 
and  her  neighbors. — 14.  Necessity  of  knowing  Israel's  neigh- 
bors, -  -  -  -  -  -  22-30 

CHAPTER  II 

A  LONE   OLD   TESTAMENT 

15.  A  testing  time. — 16.  Some  critic's  questions. — 17. 
The  standing  of  the  Old  Testament.— 18.  Contemporary 
nations  are  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament. — 19.  Ruins  in 
biblical  countries,    -----  31-37 

CHAPTER  III 

Egypt's  riddle  read 

20.  Ruins  in  the  Nile  valley.— 21.  Finding  of  the  Rosetta 
stone.— 22.  Translating  of  the  Rosetta  stone.— 23.  Egypt 
called  from  the  tombs.— 24.  The  age  of  the  Hebrews  recog- 
nized.—25.  Egypt's  treasures  to-day,       -  -  38-43 

5 


6  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  IV 

Mesopotamia's  mounds  opened 

26.  Traces  of  the  past  in  Mesopotamia,— 27.  Finds  of 
Rich.— 28.  Botta's  excavations  at  Khorsabad.— 29.  Botta's 
impetus  to  archaeological  study.— 30.  Layard's  excavations  at 
Nimroud.— 31.  Layard's  success  at  Nineveh.— 32.  Layard's 
contribution  to  oriental  study.— 33.  Geo.  Smith's  discover- 
ies at  Nineveh;  a  cuneiform  tablet.— 34.  Rassam;  de  Sarzec. 
—35.  Other  excavations:  Tel  el-Amarna;  Nippur;  Arabia, 

44-55 

CHAPTER  V 

CUNEIFORM  SECRETS  REVEALED 

36.  Behistun  inscriptions  copied  by  Rawlinson. — 37.  The 
Old  Persian  inscription  translated  by  Rawlinson.— 38.  The 
two  remaining  languages  read.— 39.  A  new  galaxy  of  old 
nations.— 40.  Prevalence  of  cuneiform  scholars.— 41.  The 
cuneiform  language.— 42.  The  cuneiform  literature.— 43. 
Kinds  of  material  in  this  literature:  (1)  historical;  (2) 
chronological;  (3)  mythological;  (4)  geographical;  (5)  com- 
mercial; (6)  international;  (7)  miscellaneous,      -  56-66 

CHAPTER  VI 

GLINTS   FROM    PALESTINE,  PHOENICIA   AND   THE   HITTITES 

44.  Beginnings  of  exploration  in  Palestine. — 45.  The 
great  survey  of  western  Palestine. — 46.  Other  surveys  of 
Palestine.— 47.  Excavations  in  Palestine. — 48.  Phoenicia  and 
Israel.- 49.  Temple  ruins  in  Phoenicia.- 50.  Ruins  of  walls 
and  tombs.— 51.  Images  of  Baal.— 52.  Phoenicia's  influence. 
—53.  The  Hittites  a  reality.— 54.  Hittites  in  Old  Testament. 
—55.  Hittites  in  the  inscriptions.— 56.  Hittite  antiquities. 
—57.  Excavations  at  Susa.— 58.  Other  finds,      -  67-79 


CONTENTS  7 

CHAPTER  VII 

PRIMITIVE   TRADITIONS   AND   GENESIS 

59.  Primitive  traditions. — 60.  The  Assyrian  creation. — 
61.  The  Babylonian  creation. — 62.  Resemblances  to  Genesis. 
— 63.  Unlikeness  to  Genesis. — 64.  The  Sabbath. — 65.  Sacred- 
ness  of  seven. — 66.  The  garden  of  Eden. — 67.  The  cherubim. 
—68.  The  fall  of  man.— 69.  The  Babylonian  deluge.— 70. 
Col.  i.  Translated.— 71.  Col.  ii.  All  aboard  the  ship.— 72. 
Col.  iii.  The  storm  and  landing. — 73.  Comparison  of  the  two 
records. — 74.  Similarities  explained,        -  -  80-96 

CHAPTER  VIII 

THE   PATRIARCHS   UNDER  EASTERN  LIGHTS 

75.  The  table  of  nations.— 76.  Ur  of  the  Chaldees.— 77. 
Abram  in  Egypt. — 78.  The  campaign  of  Gen.  xiv. — 79. 
Joseph  a  slave  in  Egypt. — 80.  Joseph  a  prime  minister. — 81. 
Joseph's  authority,  .  -  -  .  97-106 

CHAPTER  IX 

ISRAEL   UNDER  THE  GLOW  OF   EGYPT 

82.  Famines  in  Egypt.— 83.  The  famine  of  Joseph's  day. 
—84.  Israel  settled  in  Goshen.— 85.  Time  of  Joseph's  ac- 
tivity.—86.  Conquests  of  Thothmes  III.— 87.  Egyptian 
royalty  infatuated  by  Asiatics.— 88.  The  Tel  el-Amarna 
letters.— 89.  Overthrow  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty.— 90.  Rise 
of  the  XlXth  dynasty.— 91.  Activity  of  Rameses  II.— 92. 
Israel  in  Goshen.— 93.  The  Pharaoh  of  the  oppression.— 94. 
The  Pharaoh  of  the  exodus.— 95.  The  exodus.— 96.  Death 
of  the  first-born.— 97.  Evidence  of  the  Egj^tian  sojourn.— 
98.  Length  of  the  Egyptian  sojourn.— 99.  Why  did  Israel 
sojourn  in  Egypt?— 100.  Israel's  training-school  in  Egypt, 
107-122 


8  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  X 

THE   PEOPLES   OF   CANAAN   AND   ISRAEL 

IGl.  Towards  Canaan. — 102.  Canaan's  earliest  peoples. — 
103.  The  location  of  Canaan. — 104.  Canaan,  a  foraging 
ground  for  the  nations. — 105.  Canaan  ruled. — 106.  The 
peoples  of  Canaan. — 107.  Israel's  conquest  of  Canaan. — 108. 
Israel  a  prey  to  Canaan. — 109.  Israel's  oppressors. — 110. 
Rise  of  the  Philistines. — 111.  Samuel  a  victor,      -     123-131 

CHAPTER  XI 

FOREIGN   NATIONS   AND  THE  SINGLE   MONARCHY 

112. —  Saul's  victories.  — 113.  Saul's  disasters.  — 114. 
David's  victories. — 115.  Egypt  in  David's  day. — 116.  Asia 
in  David's  day.— 117.  David  in  the  North.— 118.  David's 
disasters. — 119.  Solomon's  heritage. — 120.  Solomon's  re- 
sources.— 121.  Solomon's  decadence,     -  -  132-139 

CHAPTER  XII 

SHISHAK   AND    THE   MOABITE   STONE 

122.  Disruption  of  the  kingdom. — 123.  Shishak's  inva- 
sion.— 124.  Shishak's  own  record. — 125.  Finding  the  Moabite 
Stone. — 126.  A  supplement  to  2  Kings. — 127.  The  stone 
translated. — 128.  Its  significance,  -  -  140-147 

CHAPTER  XIII 

SHALMANESER  II   AND   TRIBUTARY   ISRAEL 

129.  Omri's  greatness. — 130.  Hint  at  Assyria's  power. — 
131.  Why  Israel  treated  with  Syria. — 132.  Shalmaneser's 
record. — 133.  Results  of  the  battle  of  Karkar. — 134.  The 
confederation  of  allies. — 135.  Syria  and  Israel  at  war  again. 
— 136.  Hazael  and  Shalmaneser. — 137.  "Jehu  son  of  Omri." 
— 138.  Syria's  rapid  growth. — 139.  Israel's  humiliation. — 140. 
Ramman-nirari's  conquest. — 141.  Syria  crushed,        148-158 


CONTENTS  9 

CHAPTER  XIV 

TIGLATH-PILBSER  III  AND  THE  WARRING    JEWISH    KINGDOMS 

142.  Assyria's  inaction. — 143.  Israel's  expansion. — 144. 
Judah's  expansion. — 145.  An  acme  of  prosperity. — 146.  A 
new  king  of  Assyria. — 147.  Assyria  in  the  West. — 148.  The 
western  realm  of  Assyria. — 149.  A  succession  of  kings. — 
150.  Isaiah  and  distress. — 151.  Ahaz  appeals  to  Assyria. — 
152.  Assyria  in  Palestine. — 153.  Downfall  of  Damascus. — 154. 
Master  of  the  West-land. — 155.  Tiglath-pileser's  glory, 

159-170 

CHAPTER  XV 

SARGON  II   AND  THE  FALL  OF    SAMARIA. 

156.  Shalmaneser  in  the  Old  Testament. — 157.  Egypt  on 
the  horizon. — 158.  Assyria's  stroke. — 159.  The  fall  of  Sama- 
ria.— 160.  The  dispersion  of  Israel. — 161.  Sargon's  western 
wars. — 162.  Sargon's  victories  in  the  South. — 163.  Sargon  at 
Ashdod. — 164.  The  allies  of  Ashdod. — 165.  Sargon's  final 
acts  and  his  death,  ....  171-179 

CHAPTER  XVI 

Sennacherib's  western  campaign  and  hbzekiah 

166.  Sennacherib's  accession.— 167.  Babylonia  subjected. 
—168.  The  West-land  overrun.— 169.  Judah  raided  and 
plundered.— 170.  Color  of  the  record.- 171.  Sennacherib's 
purpose.— 172.  Down  the  sea-coast.— 173.  Assyria  against 
Egypt.— 174.  In  Philistia  again.— 175.  Assyria's  army  in 
Judah.— 176.  A  chronological  snarl.— 177.  Hezekiah's  gift 
and  stress. — 178.  Jerusalem  saved.— 179.  Evidence  of  dis- 
aster.—180.  Two  records  compared.— 181.  Sennacherib's 
death, 180-193 


10  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  LAST  CENTURY  AND  THE  FALL  OF  ASSYRIA 

182.  Esarhaddon's  accession. — 183.  Esarhaddon  in  Asia. 
— 184.  Esarhaddon  in  Egypt. — 185.  Esarhaddon's  subjects. 
— 186.  Assurbanipal  in  Egypt. — 187.  The  Babylonian  re- 
volt.— 188.  Babylonia  subdued. — 189.  Rebels  in  the  West. — 
190.  The  West  subdued.— 191.  Manasseh's  captivity.— 192. 
Assurbanipal's  limits. — 193.  The  Scythian  invasion. — 194. 
Assyria's  rapid  decline. — 195.  The  fall  of  Nineveh. — 196. 
Pictures  of  Assyria. — 197.  Nahum  and  Nineveh. — 198.  The 
awful  vacancy,      -----  194-209 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

NEBUCHADREZZAR   II   AND   THE   NEW   BABYLONIAN   EMPIRE 

199.  Pharaoh  Necho  in  Asia. — 200.  Chaldeans  in  the 
West-land. — 201.  Jehoiakim's  disaster. — 202.  Jehoiakin's 
captivity. — 203.  The  fall  of  Jerusalem. — 204.  Nebuchadrez- 
zar's war  record. — 205.  Nebuchadrezzar  as  a  religionist. — 206. 
Nebuchadrezzar  and  the  Jews. — 207.  A  period  of  anarchy. 
— 208.  Nabonidus  and  worship. — 209.  Nabonidus's  decline, 

210-222 

CHAPTER  XIX 

CYRUS  AND  THE  FALL  OF  BABYLON 

210.  The  rise  of  Cyrus. — 211.  Cyrus's  early  conquests. — 
212.  Cyrus  and  the  West.— 213.  The  annals  of  Nabonidus. 
214.  The  annals  of  Cyrus. — 215.  The  two  annals  compared. 
— 216.  The  policy  of  Cyrus.— 217.  Cyrus  and  prophecy. — 218. 
Babylon  and  prophecy. — 219.  Cyrus  and  the  Jews. — 220.  The 
first  Jewish  return,  -  .  .  .  223-235 

CHAPTER  XX 

DANIEL   AND   BELSHAZZAR 

221.  Sources  not  abundant.— 222.  Daniel  in  training. — 
223.  Wise  men  in  Babylon. — 224.  Daniel's  promotion. — 225. 
Daniel  and  the  Jews.— 226.  Daniel  at  Belshazzar's  feast. — 


CONTENTS  11 

227.  Belshazzar  and  the  king. — 228.  Belshazzar's  last  stand. 
— 229.  Where  was  Belshazzar  slain? — 230.  Belshazzar  in 
"  Daniel."— 231.  Daniel's  career  closed.— 232.  The  Book  of 
Daniel, 236-247 

CHAPTER  XXI 

THE  CITY  OF  SUSA  AND  ESTHER. 

233.  Susa  in  the  Old  Testament.— 234.  Excavators  of 
guea._235.  Assurbanipal  and  Susa.— 236.  Susa's  great 
palace.— 237.  Sketch  of  Darius  I.— 238.  The  background  of 
Esther.— 239.  Ahasuerus  identified.— 240.  The  royal  ban- 
quet in  Susa.— 241.  The  promotion  of  Esther.— 242.  Casting 
the  Pur.— 243.  The  Acropolis  of  Susa.— 244.  "  Shushan  the 
palace  "  in  Paris.— 245.  The  Book  of  Esther,  248-261 

CHAPTER  XXII 

THE   HITTITES 

246.  Sources  of  information.— 247.  The  Hittites  in  the 
Old  Testament.— 248.  The  Hittites  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
tablets.— 249.  The  Hittites  in  the  XlXth  dynasty.— 250, 
The  Hittites  in  the  Assyrian  records.— 251.  The  Hittite 
antiquities,  -  -  -  -         .-  262-267 

CHAPTER  XXIII 

THE   ARAM^ANS,   OR  SYRIANS 

252.  Sourcesof  information.— 253.  Aram  of  Mesopotamia. 
—254.  Aram-naharaim  in  the  inscriptions.— 255.  North  Syria 
in  the  Old  Testament.— 256.  North  Syria  in  the  inscriptions. 
—257.  Syria  under  Ben-hadad  II.— 258.  Syria  undei^  Hazael. 
—259.  Syria  smitten  and  dechning.— 260.  Syria  subdued.— 
261.  Syrian  deities,  .  -  -  -  268-278 


12  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XXIV 

THE   SAMARITANS 

262.  Force  the  bond  of  unity.— 263.  Policy  of  deporta- 
tion.— 264.  Policy  of  importation. — 265.  Samaria  depopu- 
lated.— 266.  Samaria  repopulated. — 267.  A  religious  com- 
posite.— 268.  Anti-Semitism  in  Cyrus's  day. — 269.  Anti-Sem- 
itism in  Artaxerxes'  day. — 270.  A  racial  composite. — 271. 
Jews  fall  into  the  trap. — 272.  Nehemiah's  wall-building. — 
273.  Nehemiah's  rigorous  reforms. — 274.  Rupture  between 
the  Samaritans  and  the  Jews,    -  -  -  279-290 

CHAPTER  XXV 

OUR   NEW   OLD   TESTAMENT 

275.  Discoveries  of  this  century. — 276.  Credits  for  the 
Old  Testament. — 277.  Historical  credits. — 278.  Archaeologi- 
cal credits. — 279.  Geographical  credits. — 280.  Chronological 
credits. — 281.  Ethnographical  credits. — 282.  Religious  cred- 
its.— 283.  Linguistic  credits. — 284.  Exegetical  credits. — 
285.  Character  of  our  evidence,  -  -  291-300 

Books  of  Reference  for  further  study,         -  301-306 

Ancient  Dates  Mentioned,     -  -  -  307-309 

Index  of  Texts  Quoted,  biblical  and  extra-biblical,  310-312 
General  Index,  -  -  -  -  313-321 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 

ARRANGED  IN  ALPHABETICAL  ORDER 

Page 
Aamu  of  North  Arabia  going  down  into  Egypt,  in  Xllth 

dynasty,  A  family  of,  .  _  .  .    loi 

From  Ball,  Light  from  the  East:  by  jiermission  of  E.  &  J.  B.  Young  «fe 
Co.,  the  Publishers'  American  Agents. 

Amorites,    -------    128 

From  Petrie,  Racial  Types  of  Egypt. 

Apadana  of  Artaxerxes  II,  The,  -  .  .    259 

From  Dieulafoy,  L'Acropole  de  Suse. 

Babylon,  Cuneiform  Account  of  Capture  of,  by  Cyrus,    223 

From  Budge,  Babylonian  Life  and  History, 

Babylon,  Walls  of, 238 

From  Babelon,  Manual  of  Oriental  Antiquities:  by  permission  of  the 
Publishers,  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons. 

Behistun  Rock,  The,  -  -  -  -  -      56 

From  Kinns,  Graven  in  the  Rock:  by  permission  of  the  Publishers, 
Cassell  &  Co. 

Birs  Nimrud,  supposed  ruins  of  Tower  of  Babel,  -      36 

From  Peters,  Nippur:  by  permission  of  the  Publishers,  G.  P.  Putnam's 

Sons. 

Champollion,  Jean  Francois,  Decipherer  of  the  Rosetta 
Stone,  -------41 

From  Kinns,  Graven  in  the  Rock:  by  permission  of  the  Publishers, 
Cassell  &  Co. 

Cyrus,  Portrait  of,  .  -  .  -  .    234 

From  Dieulafoy,  L'Acropole  de  Suse. 

Cyrus,  Clay  Cylinder  of    -  -  -  -  -    227 

From  Budge,  Babylonian  Life  and  History. 

Deluge  Tablet,  A, 89 

From  Ball,  Light  from  the  East:  by  permission  of  E.  &  J.  B.  Young  & 
Co.,  the  Publishers'  American  Agents. 

13 


14  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Esarhaddon,  Portrait  of,  -  -  -  -  -    196 

From  Ausgrahungen  in  Sendschirli. 

Hittites,  Portrait  of,  -  -  -  -  -    264 

From  Petrie,  Racial  Types  of  Egypt. 

Hittites,  A  King  of  the,    -  •  -  .  .    264 

From  Petrie,  Racial.  Types  of  Egypt. 

Hittites,  An  Inscription  of  the,    -  .  -  .    267 

From  Transactions  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology,  Vol.  VII. 

"  Israel "  Inscription  of  Meneptah  II,      -  Frontispiece 

From  photograph,  by  Bbnfils. 

Jewish  Captives  as  slaves  in  Nineveh,  Supposed,         -    192 

From  Layard,  Monuments  of  Nineveh. 

Jews  Paying  Tribute  to  Shalmaneser  II,  Procession  of, 

in  Four  Groups,         .  »  .  .  292-3 

From  the  Black  Obelisk. 

Khorsabad  Colossi  in  the  Louvre,  View  of  the,  -      20 

From  a  photograph  by  the  Author. 

Lachish,  The  Storming  of,  by  Sennacherib's  Army,    -    187 
From  Ball,  Light  from  the  East:  by  permission  of  E.  &  J.  B.  Young  & 
Co.,  the  Publishers'  American  Agents. 

Layard,  A.  H.,  Archaeologist,        -  -  -  -      48 

From  Kinns,  Graven  in  the  Rock:  by  permission  of  the  Publishers, 
Cassell  &  Co. 

Madaba  Map,  The,  -  -  -  -  -      70 

Moabite  Stone,  The,  .  .  .  .  .    144 

From  Nelson's  Illustraied  Teachers'  Bible:  by  permission  of  the  Pub- 
lishers. 

Nebuchadrezzar  II,  Cameo  of,     -  -  -  -    238 

Nebuchadrezzar  II,  East  India  House  Inscription  of  -    216 

From  Boscawen,  The  Bible  and  the  Monuments:  by  permission  of  E.  & 
J.  B.  Young  &  Co.,  the  Publishers'  American  Agents. 

Philistine,  A,  -  -  -  -  -  -    128 

From  Petrie,  Racial  Types  of  EgT/pt. 

Phoenician  Inscription  of  Eshmunazar  II,  A,    -  -      75 

From  Ball,  Light  from  the  East:  by  permission  of  E.  &  J.  B.  Young  & 
Co.,  the  Publishers'  American  Agents. 

Pyramids  of  Gizeh,  -  -  -  -  -      31 

From  a  photograph,  by  Bonfils. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  15 

Rameses  II,  Mummy  of,    -  -  -  -  -    120 

Rawlinson,  H.  C,  Decipherer  of  the  Behistun  inscrip- 
tion,     -  -  -  -  -  -  -      59 

From  Beitraegezur  Assyriologie,  Vol.  II. 

Rosetta  Stone,  The,  -  -  -  -  -      39 

From  Nelson's  Illustrated  Teachers'  Bible:  by  permission  of  the  Pub- 
lishers. 

Rosetta  Stone  in  the  British  Museum,  The       -  -      43 

From  a  photograph  by  the  Author. 
Samaritan  Pentateuch,  The,        -  .  -  -    289 

From  Kenyon,  Our  Bible  and  the  Ancient  Manuscripts:  by  permission  of 
E.  &  J.  B.  Young  &  Co.,  the  Publishers'  American  Agents. 

Sargon  II,  Palace  of,  restored,     -  -  -  -      47 

From  Place,  Ninive  et  I  'Assyrie 

Sargon  II,  Portrait  of,      -  -  -    174 

From  Botta,  Monument  de  Ninive. 

Sennacherib  at  the  Head  of  his  Army,  -  -  -    181 

From  Perrot  &  Chipiez,  Histoi-y  of  Art  in  Antiquity,  Assyria. 

Shalmaneser  II,  Black  Obelisk  of,  -  -  -    154 

From  Ball,  Light  from  the  East:  by  permission  of  E.  &  J.  B.  Young  & 
Co.,  the  Publishers'  American  Agents. 

Shalmaneser  II,  Portrait  of,         -  -  -  -    150 

From  Sayoe,  Assyria,  Its  Princes,  Priests  and  People, 

Shishak  with  his  Palestinian  Captives,  -  -    141 

From  Nelson's  Illustrated  Teachers'  Bible:  by  permission  of  the  Pub- 
lishers. 
Syrians  (Aramaeans),  A  Group  of,  -  -  -    272 

From  Ball,  Light  from  the  East:  by  permission  of  E.  &  J.  B.  Young  & 
Co.,  the  Publishers'  American  Agents. 

Tel  el-Amarna  Tablet,  A  -  -  -  -    112 

From  Boscawen,  The  Bible  and  the  Monuments:  by  permission  of  E.  & 
J.  B.  Young  &  Co.,  the  Publishers'  American  Agents. 

Tiglath-pileser  III,  Portrait  of,    -  -  -  -    166 

From  Nelson's  Illustrated  Teachers'  Bible:  by  permission  of  the  Pub- 
lishers. 

Map  of  Mesopotamia  and  the  West-land,  -  -      44 

Map  of  Egypt  and  Sinai,  -  -  •  -    107 


INTEODUCTION 
A  century's  gleams  out  of  the  orient 

1.  This  is  the  century  of  romance — romance  in 
exploration,  in  discovery,  in  invention,  in  thought, 
and  in  life.  The  achievements  of  man  have  far  ex- 
ceeded the  most  sanguine  dreams  of  the  forefathers. 
We  have  not  only  made  but  discovered  vast  periods 
of  history.  During  the  present  century  history  has 
receded  by  discoveries  through  a  period  of  more  than 
four  thousand  years  before  the  Christian  era.  It  has 
been  dug  out  of  mounds,  tombs,  and  pyramids.  It 
has  been  found  written  on  granite,  alabaster,  wood, 
clay,  and  papyrus.  It  has  been  translated  from 
tablets,  rolls,  cylinders,  statues,  and  temples. 
Through  a  series  of  marvelous  discoveries  and  roman- 
tic events  we  have  been  let  into  the  secrets  of  wonder- 
ful centuries  of  hitherto  unknown  peoples  and 
events.  Until  nearly  the  middle  of  the  present  cen- 
tury we  knew  nothing  of  the  ages  preceding  Greek 
and  Eoman  times,  except  through  hints  here  and 
there  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  in  several  ancient 
compilations  of  uncertain  value.  And  these  inciden- 
tal references  possessed  no  value  whatever  in  the 
judgment  of  those  who  doubted  the  historical  verity 

17 


18  ISRAEL  ANTEDATED 

of  the  Old  Testament,  and  the  genuineness  of  the 
compilations. 

2.  Now  through  the  cooperation  of  explorer,  arch- 
aeologist, and  linguist,  we  are  the  heirs  of  what  was 
formerly  regarded  as  prehistoric  times.  We  now  see 
that  the  Old  Testament  is  a  collection  of  books  pro- 
duced comparatively  late  in  the  history  of  mankind; 
that  Moses,  yes,  even  Abraham,  did  not  belong  to  an 
extreme  antiquity,  but  were  antedated  by  thousands 
of  years  in  which  highly  civilized  and  cultured  races 
occupied  some  of  the  choicest  portions  of  the  eastern 
hemisphere.  The  children  of  Israel,  w^hose  impor- 
tance is  so  vigorously  set  forth  in  the  Old  Testament, 
are  now  seen  to  have  been  but  one  of  the  small  tribes 
of  antiquity.  They  were  antedated,  too,  by  numer- 
ous peoples  of  a  far  remoter  antiquity.  Through- 
out their  history,  the  people  of  Israel  were  sur- 
rounded, influenced,  and  often  controlled  by  mighty 
conquerors  and  rulers,  many  of  whose  records  have 
been  recently  opened  to  the  readers  of  our  day. 

3.  These  marvelous  revelations  from  the  archives 
of  the  nations  of  the  past  have  painted,  for  us  a  new 
background,  in  fact  our  first  background,  of  the  Old 
Testament,  and  have  shown  us  the  relations  of  Israel, 
religiously,  socially,  commercially,  and  politically,  to 
their  powerful  contemporaries.  We  are  now  in  posi- 
tion to  judge,  partly,  at  least,  in  how  far  the  people 
of  Israel  were  unlike  their  neighbors,  and  in  how 
far   they    possessed   the    same    traits    of    character. 


A  NEW  BACKGROUND  19 

We  can  also  make  a  comparison  of  the  religious  re- 
quirements of  the  contemporary  peoples,  and  thereby 
discover  wherein  lies  the  great  superiority  of  Israel's 
religion.  Again,  the  Old  Testament's  representation 
of  the  character  and  life  of  its  contemporaries  is 
strongly  corroborated  by  the  evidence  of  the  inscrip- 
tions themselves.  Almost  the  whole  landscape  of 
the  Old  Testament  is  now  beautifully  brought  out  by 
the  new  colors  and  figures  added  through  the  numer- 
ous discoveries  in  the  mounds  of  the  old  East. 

4.  "We  now  have  a  new  geography  of  ancient  days. 
The  boundaries  of  great  peoples  in  different  periods, 
the  chief  cities  within  these  limits,  and  their  methods 
of  commercial  exchange,  gathered  from  the  inscrip- 
tions, add  largely  to  the  definiteness  of  our  concep- 
tion of  the  geography  of  Old  Testament  times. 
Long  lists  of  countries  and  cities  reveal  to  us  many 
places  hitherto  lost  from  history.  The  location  of 
Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  of  Erech,  of  Babylon,  and  of 
scores  of  minor  places  in  the  East  has  made  the 
study  of  biblical  geography  a  new  and  lively  subject. 
Palestine,  especially,  has  yielded  many  important  re- 
sults to  the  patient  work  of  the  Palestine  Exploration 
Fund. 

5.  The  chronology  also  of  the  Old  Testament  has 
received  many  notable  glints  from  the  entombed  rec- 
ords of  the  past.  These  contributions  tell  us  that  all 
of  the  currently  accepted  biblical  chronologies  are 
defective,  are  based  on  principles  of  writing  history 


20  DISCOVERY  CONTINUOUS 

unknown  to  the  writers  of  the  Old  Testament. 
While  Archbishop  Ussher's  system  has  gained  gen- 
eral acceptance  up  to  our  day,  its  defects  and  general 
errancy  have  been  revealed  by  the  vast  amount  of 
chronological  data  brought  to  light  in  the  excava- 
tions of  the  East.  These  data  unmask  many  of  the 
serious  defects  of  current  systems  of  chronology;  they 
show  us  how  we  may  improve  on  these  old  systems; 
and  they  also  introduce  new  difficulties  whose  solu- 
tions are  as  yet  beyond  our  ken.  We  can  now,  as 
never  before,  synchronize  the  history  of  many  of  the 
nations  contemporaneous  with  Israel. 

6.  The  activities  of  the  explorer  and  the  excavator 
are  continuous,  and  are  increasing  with  every  decade. 
Our  museums  are  rich  in  treasures  brought  from  the 
old  mounds  of  the  East.  To  enter  the  British  Muse- 
um in  London,  the  Louvre  in  Paris,  the  Royal  Muse- 
ums of  Constantinople,  or  Berlin,  the  Metropolitan 
Museum  at  New  York,  or  the  ancient  treasure-house 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  is  almost  equiva- 
lent to  entering  one  of  the  palaces  of  one  of  the  mon- 
archs  of  ancient  Assjrria.  The  pick  and  the  spade  have 
opened  volumes  of  ancient  history,  and  volumes  have 
been  written  descriptive  of  the  experiences  of  exca- 
vators, and  of  the  details  of  the  work  of  excavation. 
Others  have  been  produced  to  present  the  archaeologi- 
cal results  of  excavation,  the  decipherment  of  the  in- 
scriptions, and  in  some  cases  to  describe  the  points 
wherein  these  results  touch  the  life  of  Israel.     The 


VIEW  OF  COLOSSI  FROM    SARGON'S  PALACE  AT  KHORSABAD 
(Now  in  the  Louvre,  Paris) 


SOIVIE  RESULTS  PROVISIONAL  21 

books  of  the  last  fifty  years  in  this  department  alone 
would  make  a  fair-sized  library. 

7.  In  view  of  the  vast  achievements  of  explorers, 
archaeologists,  and  linguists  during  the  past  half  cen- 
tury, and  of  the  rapidity  with  which  new  excavations 
are  now  being  conducted  in  various  biblical  coun- 
tries, scholars  cannot  afford  to  dogmatize  regarding 
those  periods  of  history,  in  which,  up  to  the  present 
time,  there  is  a  scarcity  of  facts.  The  careful  student 
of  history  will  constantly  keep  in  mind  the  fragmen- 
tary character  of  his  sources,  and  will  so  state  his 
conclusions  as  to  admit  new  light  from  whatever 
source.  Some  of  the  alleged  results  of  higher 
criticism  have  been  already  often  modified  in  view  of 
the  discovery  of  new  and  hitherto  unknown  facts. 
And  the  modifications  necessitated  by  the  pursuit  of 
oriental  archaeology  promise  greater  things  for  the 
future.  It  becomes  us,  therefore,  as  students  of 
biblical  and  oriental  history,  to  recognize  from  the 
beginning  our  limitations  and  ignorance,  and  never 
to  use  it  as  a  standard  by  which  we  may  dogmatize  as 
to  what  could  or  could  not  have  been  at  any  given 
period  in  the  past. 


CHAPTER  I 

A  FRAGMENTARY  OLD  TESTAMENT 

8.  The  Old  Testament  is  a  religious  history  of  Israel. 
It  begins  with  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis,  "God 
created  man  in  his  image/'  and  sweeps  through  the 
antediluvian,  the  patriarchal,  and  national  periods, 
the  exilic  and  restoration  times,  to  the  Malachi 
prophecy  of  the  coming  of  Elijah.  The  long  stretch 
of  time  and  the  brief  record  embraced  within  these 
limits  awaken  a  desire  to  discover  the  principle  on 
which  that  history  was  written.  A  slight  examina- 
tion soon  shows  that  the  authors  were  accustomed  to 
abbreviate  their  accounts,  and  to  embody  in  them  only 
such,  facts  as  bore  mainly  on  the  religious  history, 
either  progressive  or  retrogressive,  of  their  own  people. 
These  facts  were  crucial  points  in  the  history  of  indi- 
viduals, or  of  the  nation,  or  in  the  relations  of  other 
nations  or  powers  to  Israel,  emphasizing  the  religious 
coloring  of  the  record.  The  antediluvian  volumes 
are  reduced  to  a  few  test  cases  where  God  deals  directly 
with  man  and  woman.  The  devastating  deluge,  an 
awful  cataclysm  full  of  tragedy  and  heartrending 
scenes,  of  untold  suffering  and  ruin,  is  described  in  a 
couple  of  chapters,  which  recite  in  impassionate  and 

22 


CHIEF  EVENTS  MENTIONED  23 

judicial  language  merely  the  purpose  and  results  of 
that  disaster  as  touching  God's  relations  to  man.    The 
individual,  tribal,  and  national  struggles  subsequent 
to  the  deluge  and  prior  to  the  call  of  Abram — and 
there   must   have   been  many — are  embodied,  aside 
from  the  building  of  Babel,  merely  in  a  condensed 
table  of  the  lineal  descendants  of  Noah  and  the  an- 
cestors of  Abraham.     In  other  words,  the  compiler  of 
this  record  saw  fit  to  pass  over  the  strifes  and  battles 
of  the  expanding  race,  and  to  mention  only  the  things 
which  would  have  significance  for  the  history  of 
Israel.     Thus  even  the  peoples  who    should   touch 
Israel  in  the  future,  and  the  founder  of  that  chosen 
people,  come  in  for  bare  mention  in  a  genealogical 
table.     Of  the  long  and  eventful  lives  of  the  patri- 
archs,  we   possess   but   brief   accounts;   and   these 
accounts  are  presumably  statements  of  the  most  sig- 
nificant religious  acts  and  words  in  their  careers. 
Israel's  sojourn  in  Egypt,  the  latter  part  of  which 
was  in  serfdom,  is  told  in  aggravatingly  few  words, 
while  their  deliverance— God's  deliverance  of  them— 
is  expanded  and  extended  through  a  series  of  chapters. 
Their  wilderness  wanderings  of  forty  years  receive 
larger  attention  than  any  other  event  covering  an 
equal  space  of  time.     But  in  the  record  of  this  event- 
ful period  the  prominence  is  given,  not  to  the  hard- 
ships of  wilderness  life,  but  to  laws  and  regulations 
for  the  rebellious  and  obstinate  people,  and  the  means 
adopted  to  defeat  Jehovah's  plan  for  them.     The  con- 


24  CHIEF  EVENTS  OMITTED 

quest  of  Canaan  is  compressed  within  a  few  chapters. 
The  dark  ages  of  Israel's  history — the  period  of  the 
Judges — covering  two  or  three  centuries,  barely  note 
some  of  the  terrific  tragedies  which  next  to  wiped  out 
the  tribal  and  national  life  of  Israel.  From  the 
founding  of  the  kingdom  to  its  final  collapse  before 
the  Chaldean  army  at  Jerusalem,  from  the  restoration 
to  the  close  of  the  Old  Testament,  there  is  an  ominous 
silence  regarding  events  which  deserve  and  always 
receive  chief  prominence  at  the  hands  of  secular  his- 
torians. The  writers  have  designedly  chosen  only 
such  events  as  would  most  strongly  set  forth  the  real 
purpose  of  their  narrative. 

9.  It  must  now  be  evident  that  what  we  possess  in 
the  Old  Testament  can  scarcely  be  termed  a  history 
at  all.  It  lacks  some  of  the  chief  characteristics  of 
such  literature.  It  has  been  shown  to  be  partial  in 
its  statements — partial  to  the  religious  and  moral 
phases.  It  consequently  omits,  not  only  single  events, 
but  whole  series  of  events,  which  from  a  secular  point 
of  view  would  have  been  of  most  fascinating  interest. 
This  omission  of  many  causes  and  events  has  given 
the  Old  Testament  a  fragmentary  and  broken  appear- 
ance. Breaks  occur  of  even  a  century  or  more,  as 
during  the  Egyptian  sojourn,  without  materially 
affecting  the  final  purpose  of  the  authors.  It  would 
satisfy  our  curiosity  to  a  profound  degree  if  we  could 
ascertain  what  occurred  in  the  wilderness  during  the 
supposed  thirty-seven  years  which  fall  between  verses 


CHIEF  EVENTS  OMITTED  25 

13  and  14  of  the  twentieth  chapter  of  Numbers.    Why 
was  the  burial  place  of  Moses  left  a  secret?    How  can 
we  explain  the  startling  narrative,  figures,  and  stories 
of  the  book  of  Judges?     Were  they  successive,  or  con- 
temporaneous, or  are  they  described  in  round  num- 
bers merely?     The   omissions  here  are   something 
appalling  to  the  accurate  student.     And  where,  too, 
can  we  locate  that  charming  idyl,  the  book  of  Ruth? 
The  apparent  carelessness  of  the  author,  when  he 
specifies  its  period  by  that  indefinite  phrase,  ^Vhen 
the  judges  judged,"  is  an  aggravation  that  receives 
no  comfort  from  the  general  purpose  of  the  book. 
Then,  again,  how  is  it  that  Solomon's  reign,  the  acme 
of  Israel's  glory,  commercially  and  politically,  is  dis- 
posed of  in  a  few  short  chapters?     There  must  have 
been  trying  and  troublesome  secessions  in  his  latter 
days,  which  brought  about  such  a  weakening  of  his 
power  and  kingdom  that  almost  at  a  signal  it  fell  to 
pieces.     How  glad  we  would  be  to  find  out  the  little 
foxes  that  undermined  the  walls  and  towers  of  his 
strength,  and  brought  his  defenses  tumbling  to  the 
ground.     True,  we  know  of  his  alien  wives  and  their 
idolatry,  but  these  were  probably  only  one  of  the 
causes  of  his  downfall.     Another  omission  of  signal 
character  is  found  in  the  books  of  Chronicles.     No 
mention  is  made  of  the  heinous  sin  of  David  or  of 
the  rebellion  of  Absalom;  the  kings  of  the  northern 
kingdom,  the  ten  tribes,  are  entirely  omitted,  unless 
when  in  conflict  or  in  alliance  with  Judah  they  re- 


26  MORAL  CHARACTER  OF  NARRATIVE 

ceive  mention.  Then,  in  the  prophetic  books,  it  now 
and  then  happens,  as  in  the  case  of  Obadiah,  Joel, 
and  Jonah,  that  we  cannot  find  sufficient  historical 
data  or  even  hints  to  give  them  a  definite  and  undis- 
puted position  in  history.  The  books  of  Job  and 
Ecclesiastes  are  likewise  embraced  in  this  class. 
Their  local  and  historical  statements  are  too  meager 
to  rescue  them  from  the  field  of  contest.  These  are  a 
few  of  the  outstanding  examples  of  omissions  in  the 
Old  Testament  which  reveal  to  us  its  broken  and 
fragmentary  character  as  history. 

10.  The  fragments  of  Israel's  history  which  we 
possess  are  not  devoid  of  character.  They  breathe 
out  the  spiritual  life,  mercurial  as  it  was,  of  Israel  at 
different  periods  of  her  history.  In  some  instances,  it 
is  true,  the  moral  element  may  be  so  faint  as  almost  to 
evade  detection.  Some  of  the  repulsive  events  nar- 
rated in  Judges  and  some  in  Kings  are,  nevertheless, 
possessed  of  a  moral  quality,  and  are  used  to  enforce  a 
moral  lesson.  To  add  significance  and  force  to  the 
religious  character  of  the  record  we  find  introduced, 
at  irregular  intervals,  prophets  who  acted  as  mouth- 
pieces of  God.  Their  words — the  words  of  God — 
are  instruction  to  his  people,  statutes  for  their  guid- 
ance, admonitions  for  their  help,  and  warnings 
against  sin.  The  germ  of  the  narrative  everywhere 
is  the  statement  of  the  prophet,  not  regarding  present 
conditions  and  needs  only,  but  often  pointing  to  the 
future,   both   of   Israel   and   of   Israel's   adherents. 


PROGRESSION  IN  THOUGHT  27 

These  prophetic  words  teem  with  truth  which  Israel 
could  not  afford  to  neglect.  They  were  suited  to 
Israel's  case,  and  form  a  valuable  part  of  the  records 
we  now  possess.  In  some  periods,  as  those  of  the 
prophetic  books,  the  prophet's  words  were  so  sweep- 
ing as  to  touch,  not  Israel  only,  but  all  the  outlying 
nations.  Their  fiery  zeal  burned  with  Jehovah's 
love,  or  with  his  consuming  anger.  They  poured  out 
the  divine  wrath  on  their,  and  consequently  God's, 
enemies,  or  overflowed  with  passionate  tenderness 
toward  the  faithful  worshiper  of  Jehovah. 

11.  Another  characteristic  is  soon  discovered,  espe- 
cially in  the  words  of  the  prophets.  In  the  revela- 
tion of  the  character  of  Jehovah  we  find  a  progres- 
sion, a  development.  Each  successive  revelation  of 
himself  through  the  prophets  and  others  brings  out 
more  strongly  some  attribute  not  noted  in  preceding 
prophecies.  By  this  increasing  strength  and  bril- 
liancy in  the  revealed  character  of  the  Jehovah  of  the 
Old  Testament  we  recognize  God's  method  of  in- 
structing and  elevating  his  chosen  people.  In  the 
deluge,  his  mercy  in  saving  the  few  is  almost  super- 
seded by  his  unrelenting  justice.  This  latter  at- 
tribute is  also  magnified  in  the  destruction  of  the 
Canaanites.  In  the  acme  of  the  kingdom  his  majesty 
and  glory  shine  forth,  while  throughout  the  decline 
of  the  kingdom  his  long-suffering  patience  outshines 
all  other  attributes.  The  return  from  the  exile  mag- 
nifies his  mercy  and  forgiveness  in  restoring  Israel  to 


28  NEED  OF  A  BACKGROUND 

favor.  This  progressiveness  is  also  apparent  in  the 
growth  of  the  Messianic  idea. 

Beginning  with  the  protevangelium  (Gen.  iii.  15), 
indefinite  and  vague  as  it  is,  we  discover  that  the 
prophecy  of  a  struggle  between  good  and  evil  in  the 
distant  future  grows  in  later  prophecies  more  and 
more  distinct  as  time  rolls  by.  The  selection  of 
Abraham,  Jacob,  Judah,  David,  marks  with  ever 
more  convergent  lines  the  specific  progenitors  of  the 
Messiah  of  New  Testament  times.  The  person,  char- 
acter, purpose,  and  work  of  this  Messiah  attains 
greater  and  greater  completeness  as  we  proceed  down 
through  the  Old  Testament.  In  Isaiah  (chapter  liii.), 
the  thought  has  so  far  advanced  that  we  find  a 
picture,  a  prefigurement,  of  the  character  and  sig- 
nificance of  the  sufferings  of  this  Messiah.  Succeed- 
ing prophecies  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and 
others  picture  the  means  of  entering  and  the  wel- 
come reception  into  this  kingdom,  and  the  part  which 
these  new  members  shall  play  in  its  extension.  The 
focal  point  of  all  these  utterances  is  the  Messiah  of 
the  New  Testament  and  the  kingdom  he  established. 

12.  But  behind  all  of  these  acts  of  the  prophets 
and  the  people  there  was  a  background.  Certain 
conditions  among  the  people  demanded  certain  mes- 
sages of  the  prophets.  These  conditions  among  the 
people  were  of  numerous  kinds.  There  were  wars, 
oppressions,  and  peace;  idolatries,  violations  of  law 
and  statute,  political  alliances,  broken  faith,  and  cap- 


ISRAEL  AND  HER  NEIGHBORS         29 

tivities.  The  prophet's  messages  were  suited  to  each 
specific  case  with  remarkable  nicety.  Now,  if  the 
purport  of  the  prophet's  words  is  to  be  understood, 
we  must  know  to  whom  he  is  speaking,  and  what  evils 
he  is  trying  to  remedy.  That  is  to  say,  the  real  sig- 
nificance of  the  prophet's  words  cannot  be  under- 
stood until  we  are  able  to  specify,  in  part,  at  least, 
the  conditions  which  his  words  were  intended  to 
meet.  Now,  this  fact  opens  up  to  us  a  new  and  in- 
tensely engrossing  field  of  research.  It  tells  us  that 
we  must  endeavor  so  far  as  practicable  to  find  the 
background  upon  which  the  life  of  Israel  can  be  por- 
trayed in  its  proper  colors. 

13.  Israel  was  not  one  of  the  great  peoples  of  an- 
tiquity, but  simply  a  small  tribe,  then  a  small  nation. 
She  came  into  existence  late  in  time,  as  we  now  know, 
and  among  the  great  political  and  commercial  peo- 
ples of  early  days  played  an  insignificant  part.  She 
was  a  wanderer  for  several  centuries,  a  minor  con- 
queror for  a  brief  time,  then  a  servant  to  successive 
masters  of  the  world-empires.  She  was  thus  brought 
into  living  contact  with  all  of  the  great  and  small 
peoples  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean  coast  countries 
of  her  day.  These  peoples  were  living  propagandists 
of  certain  forms  of  worship,  of  specific  manners  and 
customs,  of  commercial  methods,  and  of  a  coined 
political  policy.  Israel  was  always  susceptible  to 
these  subtle  influences,  and  retains  in  her  very  sys- 
tem, social,  commercial,  religious,  and  political,  the 


30  NECESSITY  OF  KNOWING  THEM 

marks  of  the  wily  foreigner.  The  powerful  influ- 
ence of  these  neighbors  and  rulers  is  apparent  in 
almost  every  address  of  the  prophets.  They  strike  at 
the  deadly  adder  of  idolatry,  the  gaunt  giant  of  op- 
pression, the  demon  of  debauchery  and  drunkenness, 
and  the  fool  who  follows  only  in  the  ways  of  the  alien. 
In  the  light  of  the  knowledge  of  these  intruders,  the 
prophet's  words  increase  in  might  and  effectiveness 
tenfold. 

14.  It  cannot  but  be  evident  that  students  of  the 
Bible  who  would  know  what  the  fragments  of  Old 
Testament  history  mean,  must  be  able  to  read  be- 
tween the  lines.  This  must  be  done,  not  by  the  im- 
agination, but  by  actual  information  secured  through 
a  careful  study  of  the  contemporaneous  literature  of 
the  Old  Testament.  Many  of  these  breaks  in  the  Old 
Testament  record  can  be  already  filled  out  from  the 
inscriptions  on  the  monuments.  Whole  campaigns 
and  periods  have  been  revealed  in  the  marvelous  light 
of  the  discoveries  of  this  century.  Painted  on  its 
new  background,  this  Old  Testament  is  a  new  book, 
filled  with  a  pulsating  life,  and  appealing  to  the 
highest  instincts  of  the  faithful  student. 


CHAPTEE  II 

A  LONE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

15.  In  order  the  better  to  appreciate  the  dis- 
coveries of  this  century,  let  us  inquire  as  to  the  esti- 
mate placed  on  the  Old  Testament  one  hundred  years 
ago.  That  was  a  time  when  men  had  begun  to  test 
every  question  by  canons  of  criticism.  Every  state- 
ment of  scientist,  logician,  or  historian  was  cast  into 
the  crucible,  and  tried  by  the  searching  fires  of 
criticism.  The  position  of  the  Bible  as  the  treasure 
of  the  church  did  not  exempt  it  from  the  most  rigor- 
ous test.  Its  claim  to  an  extreme  antiquity  rather 
invited  the  challenges  of  the  critical  party.  It  was 
laid  alongside  all  other  so-called  historical  works, 
and  given  the  same  tests.  The  first  question  asked 
was,  "Has  it  any  contemporaries?  Are  there  any 
documents  of  the  same  age  and  date  which  verify  its 
claims  to  so  great  antiquity?'^  Let  us  ask  one  of  the 
scientific  critics  of  one  hundred  years  ago  a  few  ques- 
tions, the  answer  to  which  will  specify  his  views  re- 
garding the  Old  Testament. 

16.  "How  far  back  in  your  judgment  does  history, 
genuine  history,  reach  into  the  past?  What  is  the 
oldest  history  recognized  by  your  canons  of  criticism? 

31 


32  SOME  QUESTIONS 

"What  value  do  you  put  upon  the  Old  Testament  as  a 
truthful  picture  of  its  times?"  Answer — "Hard  ques- 
tions, but  easily  answered  by  a  scientific  spirit,  full  of 
zeal  for  the  truth.  The  oldest  history  known  to  us  is 
the  history  of  Greece  and  Rome,  reaching  back  to 
400  years  B.  C.  True,  there  are  claims  that  this  his- 
tory runs  back  to  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries 
B.  C,  but  such  statements  are  based  on  mythical 
accounts,  deserving  of  no  credence  whatever.  There 
are  also  works  such  as  those  assigned  by  many  schol- 
ars of  this  day  to  Josephus,  Berosus,  and  a  few 
other  ancient  writers,  who  claim  to  present  records 
from  an  extreme  antiquity.  But  a  careful  examina- 
tion reveals  the  fact  that  their  works  are  all  compila- 
tions of  second  or  third-hand  matter,  are  mixed 
masses  of  fact  and  fiction  from  indeterminate  and 
undetermined  periods  of  the  past.  Such  methods  of 
history-making  rule  them  out  of  court.  And  as  for 
the  Old  Testament  about  which  you  inquire,  our  first 
canon  of  criticism  effectually  disposes  of  it,  viz: 
Credible  history  must  be  supported  or  corroborated 
by  contemporaneous  documents;  in  other  words,  its 
own  testimony  regarding  its  truthfulness  cannot  be 
accepted  without  some  outside  testimony.  Allow  me 
to  illustrate:  In  Genesis,  chapter  xiv.,  we  find  that, 
in  some  distant  age,  four  kings  of  the  East  had  con- 
quered and  held  in  subjection  for  twelve  years  the 
five  kings  of  the  cities  of  the  plain.  In  the  thir- 
teenth year  these  kings  of  the  West  rebelled  against 


SOME  QUESTIONS  33 

their  eastern  masters.  In  the  fourteenth  year  these 
eastern  lords  planned  and  executed  a  great  cam- 
paign against  the  West-land  rebels,  conquering  and 
capturing  and  plundering  their  former  subjects. 
Now,  this  is  a  most  unlikely  story.  There  is  no  evi- 
dence outside  of  the  Old  Testament  that  any  such 
great  kings  of  the  East  ever  lived,  no  evidence  that 
the  West  ever  suffered  such  a  disastrous  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  any  rulers  at  that  distant  day.  In  fact,  the 
whole  story  seems  to  be  the  invention  of  some  en- 
thusiastic Jew  to  laud  the  military  ability  of  Abra- 
ham, and  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  tithe  and  of 
Melchizedek. 

^'Another  case  also  should  be  mentioned.  Who 
were  the  Hittites?  They  are  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  Old  Testament,  and  sometimes  as  being  a 
powerful  people,  but  is  there  any  extra-biblical  evi- 
dence that  they  ever  existed?  Not  one  scrap.  They 
are  simply  one  of  the  mythical  peoples  with  which 
the  Old  Testament  is  filled,  and  are  introduced 
merely  to  magnify  the  vast  administrative  ability  of 
David  and  Solomon  in  commanding  and  using  for- 
eign peoples  in  their  armies  and  in  their  service. 

"There  is  one  name  in  Isaiah  (chapter  xx.  1)  which 
well  illustrates  my  point.  Sargon  is  mentioned  as 
king  of  Assyria.  Other  kings  of  Assyria  are  given 
in  other  passages,  but  the  writers  have  been  ex- 
tremely consistent  and  very  shrewd  in  their  intro- 
duction of  these  mythical  monarchs.      This  case  in 


34  THE  OLD  TESTAIMENT'S  CLABIS 

Isaiah  is  unique.  The  name  is  not  mentioned  again 
in  the  Old  Testament,  neither  is  it  found  in  any  other 
literature.  Now,  it  is  manifestly  absurd  to  say  that 
such  a  name  is  anything  but  a  myth,  or  a  scribal 
error. 

"No,  your  Old  Testament  has  no  support  whatever 
from  contemporaneous  documents;  in  fact,  there  are 
no  documents  contemporaneous  with  the  times  in 
which  it  claims  to  have  originated.  It  is  a  product  of 
a  mythical  and  legendary  age;  it  belongs  back  in  the 
fogs  and  mists  of  antiquity  before  the  dawn  of  true 
and  corroborative  history.  Its  uncorroborated  claims 
rule  it  out  of  court,  and  we  must  still  maintain  that 
history  as  such  cannot  be  traced  back  beyond  the  time 
of  the  father  of  history,  Herodotus." 

In  this  manner  our  eighteenth  century  critic  dis- 
posed of  every  document  that  was  unsupported  by 
contemporaneous  witnesses. 

17.  Now  this  Old  Testament  which  he  relegated  to 
the  age  of  myths  and  legends  claimed  to  be  older  than 
the  extreme  age  which  he  allowed  for  Greek  and 
Roman  history,  viz.,  400  B.  C.  In  fact,  its  last  pro- 
phetic book,  Malachi,  claimed  to  be  older  than  the 
age  and  writings  of  Herodotus,  the  father,  not  of 
history,  as  our  critic  claimed,  but  of  Greeh  history. 
Beginning  near  the  extreme  limit  of  Greek  history, 
400  B.  C,  this  Old  Testament  claimed  to  penetrate 
backward  about  one  thousand  years,  and  to  describe 
peoples  and  events,  all  of  whom  lived  out  their  day 


CONTEMPORARIES  FOUND  35 

before  Greece  or  Rome  arose  to  supremacy.  Thus 
this  Old  Testament  one  hundred  years  ago  stood 
alone  in  an  otherwise  unknown  age.  It  was  the  only 
known  representative  of  the  ten  milleniums  preced- 
ing the  rise  of  Greece  and  Rome.  One  hundred  years 
ago  there  was  not  a  single  document  contempora- 
neous with  the  Old  Testament  known  to  be  in  exist- 
ence. Its  statements  had  to  stand  on  their  own 
merits.  If  contradicted  or  challenged,  they  could 
make  no  reply.  The  friends  of  the  Old  Testament 
had  no  contemporary  witnesses  to  subpoena  to  the 
trial  through  which  it  was  passing.  This  was  the 
case  even  after  the  beginning  of  the  present  century. 
To  the  friend  of  the  Old  Testament  there  was  no 
adequate  reply  to  be  made  to  the  challenges  of 
science.  To  the  purely  scientific  investigator,  the 
question  was  settled  against  the  Old  Testament. 

18.  But  let  us  pursue  another  line  of  research. 
Does  not  the  Old  Testament  make  mention  of  many 
names  as  if  they  were  those  of  nations?  and  some  of 
them  as  if  they  were  great  nations?  Did  not  Abram 
come  from  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  in  the  far  East, 
stop  at  a  place  called  Harran  in  Mesopotamia,  pass 
down  through  Canaan  into  Egypt,  thence  back  into 
Canaan?  Did  not  some  of  his  relatives  and  descend- 
ants settle  among  the  mountains  and  highlands  not 
far  from  the  Jordan?  Did  not  Israel  suffer  a  galling 
bondage  under  a  powerful  race  in  the  Nile  valley? 
Did  not  David  and  Solomon  carry  on  friendly  rela- 


36  RUINS  IN  BIBLICAL  COUNTRIES 

tions  with  an  industrious  and  maritime  commercial 
people  located  in  Tyre  and  Sidon?  Did  not  Ahaz 
suffer  at  the  hands  of  a  powerful  Assyrian  king, 
whom  he  met  at  Damascus?  And  was  not  the  king- 
dom of  the  ten  tribes  crushed  at  Samaria  and  its 
population  carried  away  to  Ass3rria?  Was  not  Nine- 
veh obliterated  before  its  mortal  foes?  Was  not 
Judah's  king  besieged  in  his  capital,  and  his  own 
person  imprisoned  within  the  walls  of  great  Babylon? 
Did  not  Cyrus  capture  this  same  great  city  and  allow 
the  Jewish  exiles  to  return  in  joy  to  the  ruins  of  their 
homes  and  capital,  Jerusalem? 

19.  These  simple  questions  affirmatively  answered 
in  the  Old  Testament  lead  to  another  line  of  inquiry. 
Can  we  not  find  in  those  countries  recognized  in 
other  works  than  the  Old  Testament  records  any 
traces  of  a  former  race?  Were  there  no  external 
signs  that  such  persons  or  peoples  ever  existed? 
Some  of  the  cities  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament 
books  are  now  in  existence,  for  example,  Damascus, 
Joppa,  and  Jerusalem ;  and  in  Herodotus'  day,  Sidon, 
Babylon,  and  Tjrre  could  be  found.  Let  us  take  a 
bird's-eye  view  of  the  countries  where  such  events  are 
supposed  to  have  taken  place.  Down  in  the  beautiful 
land  of  the  Nile  stand  some  of  the  most  majestic  of 
all  ruins,  pyramids,  sphinxes,  temples,  and  crumbling 
walls  of  dead  cities,  all  coming  down  from  unknown 
times.  Then  the  great  Mesopotamian  valley,  the 
fertile  fields  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  rivers,  are 


RUINS  IN  BIBLICAL  COUNTRIES  37 

dotted  by  mounds  of  mysterious  origin,  through  some 
of  which  protrude  bits  of  walls  and  veneered  brick 
towers.  The  east  coast  line  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea 
at  the  foot  of  Lebanon  is  also  rich  in  remains  of  a 
bygone  glory.  The  mountain  passes  of  southern 
Asia  Minor  in  many  places  are  hewn  on  one  or  both 
sides  into  artistic  forms  to  commemorate  the  glory 
of  a  once-flourishing  people.  The  lonely  columns 
and  lion-laired  ruins  of  Persia  point  to  a  once 
wealthy,  proud  ruler  of  a  powerful  and  expansive 
nation.  The  very  ground  of  the  holy  city,  Jerusa- 
lem, is  teeming  with  marks  of  an  older  city,  of  an 
older  civilization.  In  the  following  chapters  we 
shall  look  at  some  of  the  excavations  carried  on 
within  the  limits  of  these  lands. 


CHAPTER  III 

EGYPT'S  RIDDLE  READ 

20.  The  Nile  River  robs  the  Sahara  desert  on  its 
eastern  boundary  of  a  long  strip  of  territory.  To 
this  margin  of  land  is  given  the  name  Egypt.  In 
ancient  times  it  embraced  about  110,000  square  miles 
of  territory,  of  which  only  about  12,000,  or  about  the 
same  extent  as  Palestine,  was  arable.  Through  the 
middle  of  this  territory  we  find  a  green  ribbon  of 
vegetation  closely  hugging  the  fertile  river.  The 
width  of  this  strip  of  land  varies  from  four  to  sixteen 
miles,  and  in  Egypt  proper  extends  from  the  first 
cataract  of  the  Nile  to  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  a  dis- 
tance of  550  miles.  This  "child  of  the  Nile,"  Egypt, 
is  fertilized  by  the  alluvia  of  Central  Africa,  carried 
on  the  bosom  of  this  noble  stream  and  deposited  on 
the  fields  and  gardens  of  the  Nile-dwellers.  This 
entire  valley  on  either  side  is  to-day  almost  one  series 
of  museum  specimens.  The  grand  ruined  temples 
of  Luxor,  and  its  neighbors,  the  royal  tombs  in  the 
mountain  sides,  and  Philge  on  an  island  in  the  Nile, 
make  this  a  choice  collection  of  remains  from  the 
past.  Then  Tel  el-Amarna,  where  a  peasant  woman 
found,  in  1887,  over  three  hundred  cuneiform  tab- 

38 


v«' 


.,...i;j:;ii'^^-r:teiniii2it^i!in+ni-rQ;gE5F,ii  • 


-^.cz\'^i.y^^  -'''-'<^»'<'';r■-'■^\'^-'■'''•^|l^^-^•<<'»-uMf'J^.v^^-/^'^'-lt^o-s,«r'l^-<l^,'l|■rt>-b'I|-^l>^♦-«.''■^-f^ 


THE  ROSETTA  STONE 


FINDING  THE  ROSETTA  STONE  39 

lets,  correspondence  between  Asiatic  and  Egyptian 
kings  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.  C,  claims  no  small 
attention  from  archaeologists.  The  great  pyramids, 
and  sphinxes,  and  obelisks  all  arouse  an  intense  inter- 
est in  whatever  people  may  have  erected  these 
stupendous  miracles  of  engineering  skill  and  con- 
struction. Close  examination  of  many  mounds  of 
sand  shows  that  they  cover  the  ruins  of  some  ancient 
city  or  temple  or  palace,  whose  history  is  buried  still 
deeper  from  our  view.  Travelers  had  noted  for  long 
that  these  old  Egyptian  ruins  carried  on  them  a  kind 
of  ornamentation,  made  up  of  pictures  of  real  and 
imaginary  objects,  set  in  a  kind  of  orderly  manner. 
Was  it  a  language?  Who  could  tell?  If  so,  the  key 
to  its  reading  had  been  lost  with  the  passing  of  its 
readers.  The  door  into  this  old  civilization  seemed 
to  be  securely  bolted  and  barred.  Men  began  to 
despair  of  ever  knowing  anything  about  it. 

21.  One  of  the  best  results  of  Napoleon's  cam- 
paign to  Egypt  touches  our  theme.  In  1799,  just 
one  hundred  years  ago,  a  French  engineer,  by  the 
name  of  Boussard,  while  excavating  at  St.  Julien, 
near  Rosetta,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mle,  hit  upon  a 
strange  stone.  It  was  carefully  removed  from  its  bed 
and  found  to  be  of  black  granite,  3  feet  9  inches  in 
height  by  2  feet  4 J  inches  in  width,  and  11  inches  in 
thickness.  It  is  thought  to  have  been  at  least  twelve 
inches  higher,  and  to  have  had  a  rounded  top.  On 
this  block  could  be  seen  at  the  top,  parts  of  fourteen 


40  FINDING  THE  ROSETTA  STONE 

lines  of  characters  resembling  those  seen  everywhere 
on  the  obelisks  and  ruined  temples  of  the  land.  Ad- 
joining these  and  below  are  thirty- two  lines  of  an- 
other species  of  script,  while  at  the  bottom  are  fifty- 
four  lines,  twenty-eight  of  them  complete,  in  Greek 
uncial  letters.  The  Greek  was  readily  readable,  and 
told  the  story  of  the  stone.  It  was  set  up  in  195  B. 
C,  in  honor  of  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  by  the  priests  of 
Egypt  assembled  at  Memphis,  because  he  had  can- 
celed the  arrearages  of  certain  taxes  due  from  the 
sacerdotal  body.  Among  other  things,  the  priests  say 
of  Ptolemy  that  "he  was  pious  toward  the  gods,  he 
ameliorated  the  life  of  man,  he  was  full  of  generous 
piety,  he  showed  forth  with  all  his  might  his  senti- 
ments of  humanity."  He  lightened  the  taxes,  re- 
stored the  temple  revenues,  discarded  promotion  fees 
from  priests,  and  renewed  temple  services.  These 
grateful  priests  had  ordered  their  memorial  decree  to 
be  inscribed  in  the  sacred  characters  of  Egypt,  in  the 
vernacular,  and  in  Greek.  It  was  soon  conjectured 
that  the  two  inscriptions  standing  above  the  Greek 
told  the  same  story.  Such  being  the  case,  the  value 
of  the  document  was  at  once  perceived.  It  was  care- 
fully copied,  and  packed  for  shipment.  But  the  vic- 
tory of  the  British  at  Alexandria,  and  the  surrender 
of  the  city  in  1801,  transferred  this  treasure  to  the 
hands  of  the  British  commissioner,  W.  E.  Hamilton, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  scholars  of  that  day. 
The  stone  was  shipped  to  England  and  deposited  in 


THE   ROSETTA   STONE  IN   THE  BRITISH   MUSEUM 


EGYPT'S  TREASURES  TO-DAY  43 

ilization,  we  cannot  object  to  the  probable  existence 
of  the  Hebrews,  who  belong  to  a  comparatively 
younger  age."  There  are,  then,  some  points  in  which 
the  Old  Testament  seems  to  be  true.  Egypt, 
wherever  mentioned,  is  no  longer  simply  a  name,  but 
the  home  of  a  highly  civilized  and  vigorous  people, 
dating  from  5,000  B.  C,  a  people,  too,  whose  fortunes 
for  centuries  run  parallel  to  the  Hebrews  of  the  Old 
Testament. 

25.  Egypt  is,  to-day,  yielding  rich  rewards  to  her 
excavators.  She  is  turning  over  her  vast  storehouse 
of  antiquities  to  the  patient  and  long-suffering  archae- 
ologist. The  Egypt  Exploration  Fund  alone  has  pub- 
lished more  than  a  dozen  volumes  descriptive  of  the 
finds  of  its  excavators  since  the  organization  of  the 
society  in  1882,  These  are  full  of  important  draw- 
ings, inscriptions,  and  portraits  of  the  most  valuable 
kind.  In  this  mass  of  material  we  are  finding  not 
only  new  evidences  of  the  greatness  of  the  old  civiliz- 
ation of  the  Nile  valley,  but  also  testimony  to  the 
accuracy  of  the  records  and  hints  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment regarding  the  character  of  the  ancient  Egyp- 
tians. In  addition  to  this  we  are  learning  that  the 
early  records  of  the  Old  Testament  are  replete  with 
traces  of  an  Egyptian  coloring,  of  an  Egyptian  influ- 
ence upon  the  annalist. 


CHAPTER  IV 

MESOPOTAMIA'S  MOUNDS  OPENED 

26.  The  Old  Testament  abounds  with  references  to 
peoples  who  occupied  the  great  valley  of  the  Tigris 
and  Euphrates  rivers.  To  this  fertile  basin  of  West- 
ern Asia  both  kingdoms  of  Israel,  the  ten  tribes  and 
Judah,  were  carried  away  captive.  Travelers  through 
this  valley  for  centuries  had  noticed  many  strange 
ruins.  Scattered  here  and  there  over  this  valley  they 
saw  artificial  mounds,  dry  beds  of  ancient  canals,  ruins 
of  towers,  and  cities,  some  of  them  of  remarkable  ex- 
tent. In  fact,  the  entire  sweep  of  territory  from 
Armenia  on  the  north  to  the  Persian  Gulf  on  the 
south,  and  from  the  highlands  of  Iran  on  the  east  to 
the  great  Arabian  desert  and  Syria  on  the  west,  was 
dotted  with  ruins  and  traces  of  some  ancient  and  long- 
departed  civilization.  These  same  travelers  had 
noticed  and  occasionally  picked  up  here  and  there, 
especially  near  the  mounds,  bits  of  burnt  bricks  and 
fragments  of  tablets,  upon  which  were  found  some 
peculiar  wedge-shaped  characters.  No  one  could  de- 
termine whether  they  were  writing  or  simply  a  species 
of  artistic  ornamentation.  They  were  carefully  pre- 
served, simply  as  mementos  and  relics  of  an  unknown 

44 


FINDINGS  OF  RICH  45 

antiquity.  These  mounds  remained  practically  undis- 
turbed, except  by  the  rains  which  tore  great  gashes  in 
their  sides,  until  the  present  century. 

27.  Between  1808  and  1820  an  Englishman  by  the 
name  of  C.  J.  Eich,  who  had  lived  a  romantic  life  in 
the  East,  as  a  cadet,  a  writer,  a  secretary  in  an  em- 
bassy, and  an  adventurer,  landed  at  Bagdad.  While  at 
this  place  he  became  intensely  interested  in  the  old 
mounds  of  the  country,  and  made  serious  attempts  to 
investigate  them.  In  the  gullies  cut  by  centuries  of 
rains,  he  gathered  numerous  little  clay  bricks,  covered 
on  every  side  with  the  same  wedge-shaped  characters 
as  those  seen  on  the  bits  of  bricks  found  by  travelers 
on  the  plains.  These  he  carefully  saved,  and,  like 
every  loyal  Briton,  gave  his  collection  to  the  British 
Museum,  where  it  may  now  be  seen.  The  results  of 
his  (Mr.  Eich's)  work  were  published  in  two  volumes, 
one  in  1815  and  a  second  in  1818. 

28.  Practically  nothing  was  done  to  further  the 
work  done  by  Eich  until  1842,  when  France  sent  a 
consul  by  the  name  of  P.  E.  Botta  to  the  city  of 
Mosul,  on  the  upper  Tigris  Eiver.  Botta,  by  training 
and  inclination  an  archaeologist,  noticed  across  the 
Tigris  Eiver,  east  of  Mosul,  a  range  of  extensive  arti- 
ficial mounds,  which  were  supposed  to  be  the  ruins  of 
ancient  Xineveh.  These  so  aroused  his  curiosity  and 
interest  that  he  employed  a  company  of  nativ5  diggers. 
While  engaged  in  this  work,  the  natives  perceived  with 
what  care  Mr.  Botta  preserved  and  put  away  every  bit 


46  BOTTA  AT  KHORSABAD 

of  brick  which  carried  on  it  any  marks.  In  fact,  the 
peasants  from  the  neighborhood  brought  him  many 
fragments  of  alabaster  and  bricks.  One  of  them  in- 
quired why  he  was  so  careful  to  keep  all  such  bits  of 
broken  stuff.  When  told  that  the  consul  was  in  search 
of  sculptures,  a  peasant  advised  him  to  investigate  the 
mound  on  which  his  village  was  built,  because  in  dig- 
ging the  foundations  for  their  new  houses  many  such 
things  had  been  found.  On  further  inquiry,  the  con- 
sul learned  that  the  village  was  Khorsabad,  situated 
on  a  little  hill  near  the  river  Khauser,  about  twelve 
miles  northeast  of  Mosul.  Mr.  Botta  transferred  his 
force  of  diggers  to  this  new  place.  After  an  all-round 
examination  of  this  curious  hill,  he  began  operations 
by  sinking  a  shaft  into  the  mound.  Not  far  from  the 
surface  he  struck  on  the  top  of  a  wall,  which  he  found 
to  be  built  of  gypsum.  A  wider  trench  was  made  and 
carried  along  in  the  same  direction  as  the  wall.  Botta 
soon  found  that  he  had  entered  a  room  of  immense 
proportions.  The  walls  were  all  wainscoted  with 
sculptured  alabaster  slabs,  upon  which  he  saw  a  pano- 
rama. There  were  figures  of  battles,  sieges,  triumphal 
processions,  hunting  scenes,  and  like  events,  all  in  re- 
lief. Across  the  face  of  many  of  these  were  lines  of 
characters  similar  to  those  found  on  the  bits  of  burnt 
bricks  and  alabaster  found  scattered  on  the  plain. 
Aroused  to  the  highest  pitch  of  excitement  and  joy, 
Botta  passed  from  the  first  room  into  others  of  similar 
dimensions    and    ornamentation    and    figures.      He 


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BOTTA  AND   ARCHEOLOGY  47 

pushed  on  and  on,  until  he  discovered  acres  of  such 
chambers,  with  scores  of  remarkable  figures  and  co- 
lossi. When  he  once  stopped  to  think  of  the  antiquity 
of  his  finds,  he  was  astonished.  He  faced  a  new  race. 
A  new-old  civilization  gazed  upon  him  from  every 
slab  of  alabaster,  and  from  every  giant  colossus.  In 
fact,  he  seemed  to  be  walking  in  a  dreamland,  in- 
habited by  gods,  fairies,  and  colossi,  by  demons,  drag- 
ons, and  crooked  things. 

^What  can  all  this  mean?  Who  built  this  struc- 
ture? In  what  century  did  he  live?  To  what  nation 
did  he  belong?  Are  these  walls  telling  me  their  tales 
of  joy  and  woe?  Is  this  beautiful  cuneiformed  char- 
acter a  language?  I  know  not.  I  can  read  their  glory 
and  their  victories  in  their  figures,  but  their  story, 
their  age,  their  blood,  is  to  me  a  mystery.  Their  re- 
mains mark  the  fall  of  a  glorious  and  a  brilliant  past, 
but  of  a  past  known  not  to  a  living  man.' 

29.  Botta's  discoveries  aroused  the  whole  archaeo- 
logical and  historical  world  with  enthusiasm.  A  tre- 
mendous impulse  was  given  to  the  study  of  the  Orient. 
The  French  government,  highly  gratified  at  the  sur- 
prising success  of  its  consul,  supplied  him  with  ample 
means  for  further  research.  With  enthusiastic  efforts 
and  energy  Botta  prosecuted  his  discoveries  until  he 
succeeded  in  revealing  what  afterward  proved  to  be 
the  palace  of  the  great  Sargon  (722-705  B.  C),  prob- 
ably the  most  magnificent  palace  the  world  has  ever 
seen,  covering  an  area  of  more  than  twenty-five  acres. 


48  LAYARD  AT  NIMROUD 

It  stood  in  the  northwest  side  of  a  square,  almost  one 
mile  on  a  side.  The  whole  square  was  inclosed  by  a 
high  battlemented  wall,  and  pierced  by  two  gates  on 
each  side.  Within  this  square  mile  of  inclosed  terri- 
tory were  traces  of  lakes  and  small  buildings  of  vari- 
ous kinds.  Botta  secured  in  these  ruins  and  brought 
to  Europe  the  first  great  collection  of  Assyrian  an- 
tiquities, which  form  to-day  one  of  the  most  highly 
prized  treasures  of  the  Louvre  in  Paris.  Botta,  in 
conjunction  with  Flandin,  an  architect,  prepared,  and 
the  French  government  published,  the  results  of  this 
expedition  in  five  great  folio  volumes,  entitled  Monu- 
ment de  Ninive. 

30.  Mr.  A.  H.  Layard,  a  young  English  scholar, 
visited  the  East  early  in  the  forties  to  look  over  the 
prospects  of  profitable  excavations.  Nimroud,  a 
mound  about  twenty  miles  southeast  of  Mosul,  and 
about  one  and  one-half  east  of  the  present  bed  of  the 
Tigris,  especially  attracted  his  attention.  The  suc- 
cesses of  Botta  stirred  up  Layard's  desire  to  begin 
excavation,  but  the  means  were  not  at  hand.  In  the 
autumn  of  1845,  Sir  Stratford  Canning  indicated  his 
readiness  to  meet  the  expenses,  for  a  limited  time,  of 
excavations  in  Assyria,  intimating  that  a  successful 
campaign  would  guarantee  help  for  the  same  work  in 
the  future.  Mr.  Layard  at  once  set  out  for  Mosul, 
organized  his  gang,  and  began  work  at  Nimroud.  The 
difficulties  in  his  way  were  almost  beyond  the  limits 
of  endurance.    But  over  all  he  persevered,  and  in  an 


AUSTEN   HENRY  LAYARD 
ARCH^OLOGIST 


LAYARD  AT  NINEVEH  49 

incredibly  short  time  succeeded  in  uncovering  one  of 
the  most  beautiful  palaces  of  antiquity.  This  palace 
afterward  proved  to  be  that  of  a  king  of  Assyria, 
Assurnatsirpal,  who  reigned  884-860  B.  C,  a  con- 
temporary of  Omri,  king  of  Israel.  The  rooms  of  this 
palace  were  everywhere  wainscoted  with  alabaster 
slabs  about  seven  feet  high.  Marvelous  figures  in  re- 
lief were  found  on  each  separate  slab,  or  sometimes 
extended  over  several  slabs.  Across  the  middle  of 
these  were  found  lines  of  the  same  wedge-shaped 
characters.  Out  of  this  palace  Layard  took  more  than 
one  hundred  colossi  and  alabaster  slabs,  and  trans- 
ported a  large  number  of  them  to  the  British  Museum. 
About  twenty-five  of  them  may  be  seen  in  the  muse- 
ums and  colleges  of  our  country.  One  of  the  chief 
attractions  of  visitors  to  the  British  Museum  is  the 
collection  of  giant-winged,  human-headed  bulls  and 
lions,  and  eagle-headed  deities,  brought  by  Layard 
from  Nimroud.  Layard's  work  at  this  mound  ex- 
tended, at  intervals,  over  several  years,  during  which 
he  uncovered  three  palaces.  Since  his  day  Rassam 
and  George  Smith  have  gathered  precious  treasures  in 
the  same  mound. 

31.  A  few  years  later  Layard  made  a  second  expe- 
dition to  Assyria.  At  this  time  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, with  full  confidence  in  his  successes,  voted  the 
British  Museum  authorities  £3,000  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  on  further  excavations  in  the  East.  Mr. 
Layard's  intense  interest  in  the  mounds  across  the 


50  LAYARD  AND   ORIENTAL  STUDY 

Tigris  Eiver  facing  Mosul  led  him  to  attempt  work 
here.  Except  the  slight  digging  by  Botta's  men,  these 
great  mounds  had  stood  undisturbed  for  more  than 
two  thousand  years.  Xenophon  passed  here  at  the 
head  of  his  10,000  Greeks  400  B.  C,  and  knew  not 
what  they  covered.  But  the  books  of  Jonah  and 
Nahum  are  sketches  of  their  past.  They  covered  the 
great  and  cruel  Nineveh,  the  pri-de  of  its  peoples  and 
the  scourge  of  the  nations.  She  had  been  lost  from 
the  sight  of  man  for  more  than  two  thousand  years. 
Indeed,  her  very  location  was  lost,  forgotten,  buried 
under  the  dust  of  ages. 

Layard's  systematic  and  energetic  work  at  this 
mound  rewarded  him  by  the  uncovering  of  another 
palatial  structure,  built  on  the  same  magnificent  pro- 
portions as  those  previously  discovered.  This  palace 
proved  to  be  that  of  Sennacherib,  king  of  Assyria 
(705-681  B.  C),  whose  attack  on  Jerusalem  in  701  B. 
C.  is  said  to  have  been  followed  by  the  destruction  of 
his  army  of  185,000  on  the  plains  of  Philistia.  This 
palace  covered,  according  to  the  traces  of  foundations 
laid  bare  by  Layard,  an  area  of  eight  acres— about 
four  ordinary  city  blocks — and  contained  more  than 
seventy  rooms  of  various  dimensions.  This,  as  the 
other  palaces,  was  lined  with  inscriptions  and  figures 
picturing  events  at  home  and  abroad. 

32.  Layard's  successes  here,  and  in  other  places, 
created  an  unbounded  enthusiasm  among  all  students 
of  oriental  lore.     They  brought  to  light,  and  set  up 


GEORGE  SMITH  AT  NINEVEH  51 

before  their  eyes,  objects  twenty-five  centuries  old;  in 
fact,  set  them  face  to  face  with  a  forgotten,  unknown, 
and  long-lost  civilization.  Layard  has  told  us  the 
story  of  his  epoch-making  excavations  in  three  roman- 
tic volumes,  Nineveh  and  Its  Remains,  2  vols.,  and 
Nineveh  and  Babylon,  1  vol.  He  has  also  published 
two  volumes  of  drawings  of  the  monuments,  entitled 
The  Monuments  of  Nineveh,  and  one  volume  of  in- 
scriptions. The  English  government,  always  ready 
to  recognize  and  to  assist  scientific  research,  appointed 
Mr.  Layard  to  a  number  of  important  diplomatic  posi- 
tions where  he  could  further  the  work  which  he  had 
so  successfully  carried  on  for  many  years.  After  a 
most  brilliant  career  as  an  archaeologist  and  diplomat, 
he  died,  July  5,  1894. 

Layard's  work  was  continued  by  Kassam,  one  of  his 
right-hand  men  in  his  excavations,  by  Taylor  and 
Loftus  and  Henry  C.  Eawlinson.  The  French  were 
also  rivals  in  the  field,  with  such  workers  as  Thomas, 
Fresnel,  and  Oppert.  Each  investigator  has  left  us 
a  valuable  record  descriptive  of  his  findings— some  of 
these  attain  to  more  than  a  single  volume. 

33.  It  was  not  until  1872  that  any  other  notable 
excavations  were  made.  At  this  time,  George  Smith, 
a  young  genius,  an  officer  in  the  British  Museum,  dis- 
covered fragments  of  a  tablet  on  which  was  inscribed 
an  account  of  the  deluge.  The  Daily  Telegraph  of 
London  sent  him  to  the  site  of  Nineveh  to  find,  if 
possible,  other  fragments  of  the  same  story  or  event. 


52  A  CUNEIFORM  TABLET 

Smith  conducted  excavations  in  one  of  the  mounds  of 
old  Nineveh,  and  was  rewarded  by  finding  a  library  of 
30,000  tablets  and  cylinders,  which  had  belonged  to 
the  collection  of  Assurbanipal  {66S-626  B.  C),  the 
last  great  king  of  Assyria,  a  contemporary  of  Manas- 
seh  and  Josiah  of  Judah.  The  position  that  these 
tablets  occupied  showed  that  they  had  been  arranged 
by  topics  somewhat  as  we  arrange  our  books  on  the 
shelves  of  our  libraries.  They  were  almost  all  in  a 
good  state  of  preservation. 

Now  some  one  may  ask  how  clay  tablets  could  have 
been  prevented  from  crumbling.  To  answer  this,  you 
must  be  told  how  the  books  were  prepared.  In  the 
first  place,  the  scribe  secured  a  small  piece  of  soft 
clay,  free  from  stones  or  hard  kernels.  This  he 
molded  or  pressed  until  it  attained  the  form  and  size 
of  an  ordinary  cake  of  toilet  soap.  Into  this  piece  of 
clear  clay  he  pressed  what  appears  to  have  been  the 
corner  of  a  cube,  with  one  of  its  edges  forming,  with 
the  surface  of  the  clay,  a  very  sharp  angle.  The  im- 
pression made  by  such  a  process  would  be  wedge- 
shaped.  These  wedges  put  together  in  different  posi- 
tions formed  signs,  and  these  signs  constituted  the 
language  on  these  tablets.  Of  course,  some  were 
larger  and  some  smaller  than  that  here  described,  but 
this  was  about  the  average  size.  As  soon  as  the  work 
of  writing  was  finished,  the  tablet  was  baked  hard  to 
preserve  it  from  crumbling.  Even  baked  bricks  can- 
not withstand  the  ravages  of  time.     But  in  the  case  of 


RASSAMj   DE  SARZEC  53 

the  library  found  by  Smith,  some  striking  observa- 
tions were  made.  This  great  collection  of  tablets  is 
thought  to  have  occupied  the  second  floor.  When 
fire  burned  the  palace,  the  cedar  beams  supporting 
the  second  floor  were  burned  away,  and  the  library 
crashed  into  the  lower  apartments.  The  walls  of  the 
palace  also  fell  in  and  buried  the  library.  In  this,  as 
in  other  mounds  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia,  the  great 
thick  walls  of  the  houses  and  of  the  city's  fortifica- 
tions, of  unburnt  bricks,  veneered  with  a  layer  of 
burnt  bricks,  melted  under  the  action  of  the  elements, 
flowed  in  and  formed  a  mass  or  mound  of  earth  and 
preserved  to  our  day  these  invaluable  little  volumes  of 
a  remote  antiquity. 

In  this  library  Smith  discovered  some  fragments  of 
the  famous  creation  and  deluge  tablets,  about  which 
I  shall  have  something  to  say  in  a  subsequent  chapter. 
Mr.  Smith  made  two  successful  expeditions,  and  while 
on  his  way  for  a  third,  died  of  a  fever  in  Aleppo, 
Syria,  August  19,  1876.  An  account  of  his  work  is 
found  in  his  volume  entitled  Assyrian  Discoveries. 

34.  After  the  death  of  Smith,  the  trustees  of  the 
British  Museum  sent  out  Rassam,  who  carried  on  ex- 
tensive diggings  in  the  Mesopotamian  valley.  He  em- 
ployed more  than  five  hundred  diggers  at  one  time 
and  on  several  sites,  and  brought  back  to  London 
some  of  the  most  valuable  inscriptions  and  other 
specimens  of  antiquity  that  the  British  Museum  owns. 


54  TEL  EL-AMARNA;   NIPPUR 

In  1878,  France  sent  a  consul  by  the  name  of  de 
Sarzec  to  Bosrah,  lower  Babylonia.  His  interest  in 
archaeological  remains  set  him  to  investigating  some 
of  the  mounds  in  the  vicinity.  He  soon  began  work 
at  Tello,  in  the  lower  Mesopotamian  valley.  He  was 
shortly  successful  in  uncovering  a  palace  and  discover- 
ing a  lot  of  very  ancient  statues  of  black  diorite,  in- 
scribed with  a  beautiful  archaic  writing.  For  about 
twenty  years,  at  intervals,  de  Sarzec  has  brought  to 
light  treasures  of  material  from  these  ruins.  These 
are  of  especial  value  as  they  preserve  for  us,  among 
others,  an  account  of  the  career  of  the  great  ruler  of 
Lagash,  Gudea,  who  was  active  in  the  affairs  of  this 
valley  about  2800  B.  C.  They  show  us  a  civilization 
of  marvelous  proportions  and  extent.  Many  of 
these  antiquities  are  now  in  the  Louvre  at  Paris,  a 
choice  collection,  dating  from  times  anterior  to 
Abraham. 

35.  In  1887  there  were  found  at  Tel  el-Amarna, 
in  Egypt,  about  300  clay  tablets,  upon  which  is 
written  mainly  the  cuneiform  language.  Since 
1887  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  has  rewarded 
American  beneficence  and  enterprise  and  scholarship 
by  her  marvelous  discoveries  at  Nippur,  in  lower 
Babylonia.  Thousands  of  tablets  have  been  un- 
earthed, and  deposited  either  in  the  museum  at  Con- 
stantinople or  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 
The  story  of  the  first  two  campaigns  is  admirably  told 


TEL  EL-AMARNA;  NIPPUR  55 

by  Dr.  Peters  in  two  luxurious  volumes,  entitled 
Nippur. 

I  have  thus  briefly  indicated  some  of  the  chief  dis- 
coveries of  the  present  century  on  sites  in  Assyria  and 
Babylonia.  The  story  of  the  decipherment  of  these 
inscriptions  I  shall  reserve  for  another  chapter. 


CHAPTER  V 

CUNEIFORM  SECRETS  REVEALED 

36.  The  wedge-writing  continued  for  long  ages  to 
be  an  unsolved  mystery.  The  discoveries  of  Botta 
and  Layard  in  the  mounds  at  Khorsabad  and  Nim- 
roud  were  contemporaneous  with  another  and  equally 
or  more  remarkable  event. 

Oriental  scholars  in  Germany,  France,  Scandinavia, 
and  other  countries  had  set  their  wits  to  solve  the 
wedge-language  of  old  Persia.  By  shrewd  guessing 
only  did  they  arrive  at  a  few  results  of  value.  No 
very  substantial  progress  was  made,  however,  until  a 
young  Englishman,  an  officer  in  the  Persian  army, 
Henry  C.  Eawlinson,  made  a  discovery  in  1835  in  the 
Zagros  Mountains.  Here  he  found  a  limestone  moun- 
tain rising  out  of  the  plain  to  a  height  of  1,700  feet. 
One  side  of  this  mass  was  almost  perpendicular  in 
form.  About  350  feet  above  the  base  on  this  per- 
pendicular side,  Eawlinson  could  see  a  large  space 
which  had  been  carefully  hewn  off  and  polished. 
Upon  this  prepared  surface  he  could  also  descry  a 
large  bas-relief  representing  a  king,  before  whom 
stood  a  long  line  of  captives  bound  neck  to  neck  with 
a  rope.     Adjacent  to  this  great  group  were  several 

56 


THE  BEHISTUN  ROCK 
HENRY  r.  RAWLINSON  COPYING  THE  INSCRIPTIONS 


THE   BEHISTUN  INSCRIPTIONS  57 

columns  of  cuneiform  inscriptions.  Rawlinson 
thought  that  in  ancient  times  there  might  have  been 
a  scaffolding  of  some  kind,  so  that  the  passer-by  might 
reach  and  read  the  inscriptions;  but  at  this  time 
they  were  too  high  and  too  inaccessible.  Rawlinson's 
perseverance  over  slippery  and  dangerous  places 
finally  brought  him  to  the  narrow  ledge  at  the  foot  of 
the  inscriptions.  This  ledge,  about  fourteen  inches 
wide,  had  been  made  when  the  large  surface  had  been 
hewn  and  smoothed  off,  and  the  artistic  work  done. 
Eawlinson  resolved  at  once  to  copy  these  wonderful 
columns  of  inscriptions.  The  narrowness  of  the 
ledge,  and  the  disappearance  of  a  part  of  it  by  the 
ravages  of  time,  and  the  fearful  chasm  below  him  of 
350  feet,  put  him  in  peril.  Some  of  the  inscriptions 
he  could  copy  from  the  ledge,  for  others  he  climbed  a 
ladder,  the  foot  of  which  was  held  on  the  fourteen- 
inch  ledge  by  an  attendant.  But  even  this  perilous 
task  could  not  be  carried  out  above  a  space  from  which 
the  ledge  had  been  worn  away.  Various  schemes 
were  devised  and  native  help  employed  to  accomplish 
his  purpose.  For  a  time  he  was  suspended  in  a  swing 
in  front  of  the  columns  of  writing.  Suffice  it  to  say 
that  only  after  most  painstaking  effort  and  dangerous 
risks,  at  intervals  during  four  years,  was  Rawlinson 
able  to  complete  the  copying  of  these  columns  of 
wedge-vsrriting. 

37.  As  soon  as  he  discovered  the  probable  value  of 
the  inscriptions,  and  that  he  had  not  one  language 


58  THE  OLD  PERSIAN  INSCRIPTION  READ 

but  three  in  his  possession,  he  set  about  industriously 
studying  the  Sanskrit,  Zend,  and  Pehlevi  languages, 
that  thereby  he  might  be  the  better  equipped  for  his 
task  of  translating.  Some  smaller  Persian  inscrip- 
tions found  at  Persepolis  and  other  points  were  also 
used  to  advantage.  Being  familiar  with  modern 
Persian,  he  was  also  in  a  peculiar  sense  ready  for  his 
work.  As  other  scholars  who  had  at  various  times 
tackled  old  Persian  inscriptions,  Eawlinson  selected 
as  a  basis  for  investigation  the  names  Darius,  Xerxes, 
and  Hystaspes.  These  same  names  occurred  on  a 
number  of  inscriptions,  and  by  ingenious  guesses  he 
discovered  some  of  the  letters  of  which  the  names  were 
constituted.  Then  by  testing  the  values  of  these  let- 
ters in  other  words  the  meanings  of  which  were 
known  to  him  as  a  modern  Persian  scholar,  Eawlinson 
succeeded  finally  in  translating  the  five  columns  of 
old  Persian  cuneiform  writing — nearly  400  lines. 
Ten  years  after  his  discovery  at  Behistun,  he  sent  his 
translation  to  Europe.  In  1847,  the  text,  transla- 
tion, and  a  commentary  appeared  in  the  Journal  of 
the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

Eawlinson  tells  us  that  these  inscriptions  were  cut 
here  by  order  of  Darius  I.,  king  of  Persia,  about  515 
B.  C.  They  relate  how,  while  Darius  was  still  oc- 
cupied in  the  reformation  of  the  national  faith,  an 
insurrection  broke  out  in  Susiana ;  that  the  rebel  ring- 
leader was  seized  without  the  emplojrment  of  any 
military  force ;  that  there  was  also  a  revolt  in  Babylon 


HENRY  CRESWICKE  RAWLINSON 

DECIPHERER   OF  THE   BEHISTUN  INSCRIPTIONS 


THE  BEMATNINQ  LANGUAGES  READ  59 

of  such  a  determined  character  that  Darius  was 
obliged  to  lead  his  own  troops  to  put  it  dovm.  Other 
valuable  historical  information  is  also  contained  in 
this  old  document. 

38.  On  the  supposition  that  the  other  two  inscrip- 
tions told  the  same  story,  scholars  began  to  attempt  to 
read  them.  Very  soon  the  second  tongue,  the  Median 
or  Susian,  began  to  yield  its  secrets.  Then  the  third 
series  of  columns,  the  Babylonian,  was  forced  to  give 
up  its  hidden  treasures.  This  Behistun  group  was 
found  to  sustain  the  same  relation  to  the  cuneiform 
languages  of  Babylonia  that  the  Eosetta  stone  sus- 
tained to  the  tongues  of  ancient  Eg}^t.  It  was  the 
key  to  its  ancient  life,  people,  and  government. 

But,  as  in  all  cases  of  great  advance  in  any  one 
department,  there  were  doubters  and  sceptics.  To 
make  a  final  test  of  scholars'  ability  to  read  and 
interpret  these  inscriptions,  four  men,  Eawlinson  (H. 
C),  the  discoverer  and  translator  of  the  Old  Persian 
inscription;  Hincks  (Edw.),  an  Irishman;  Oppert  (J.), 
a  Frenchman,  still  living;  Talbot  (H.  F.),  an  English- 
man, met  in  London  in  1857.  The  trustees  of  the 
British  Museum  gave  each  a  fine  lithographic  copy  of 
a  long  historical  inscription,  and  asked  that  he  work 
independently  and  present  at  a  specified  time  the  re- 
sults of  his  work.  At  the  given  date  all  appeared  and 
compared  results.  To  the  great  surprise  and  pro- 
found satisfaction  of  everyone,  their  translations 
agreed  substantially  from  beginning  to  end.    The 


60  A  NEW  GALAXY  OF  NATIONS 

triumph  was  almost  incredible;  the  victory  was  com- 
plete. This  new  philological  solution  was  the  greatest 
achievement  ever  made  in  the  field  of  language  or 
archaeology.  It  was  as  great  a  discovery  in  the  field 
of  history  and  philology  as  the  telegraph  in  the  com- 
mercial world. 

39.  Is  this  an . extravagant  statement?  But  think 
a  moment.  There  lay  the  supposed  old  civilizations 
of  the  Mesopotamian  valley  buried  out  of  the  sight  of 
man  for  thousands  of  years.  Its  former  inhabitants 
were  unknown.  Its  mighty  empires  were  apparently 
blotted  from  the  pages  of  history.  Its  relations  with 
outside  nations  were  known  only  through  hints  here 
and  there.  In  fact,  it  was  only  a  shadow,  with  the  Old 
Testament  alone  to  point  to  a  possible  greatness.  But 
what  now?  This  achievement  in  the  translation  of 
the  cuneiform  inscriptions  gives  us  at  one  stroke  a 
whole  valley  full  of  thrifty  cities,  well-organized  gov- 
ernments, conquering  armies  and  world-wide  rulers. 
They  are  all  made  to  step  out  upon  the  stage  and  play 
their  most  important  role  in  the  drama  of  ancient 
nations.  Henceforth  the  Mesopotamian  valley  be- 
comes one  of  the  most  dramatic  sections  of  the  earth's 
surface,  in  which  the  fortunes  of  the  nations  of  the 

'  known  world  were  made  or  lost. 

40.  Scholars  who  read  this  magical  tongue  are  now 
found  in  nearly  every  enlightened  country,  and 
special  chairs  for  it  have  been  established  both  in 
European  and  in  American  universities,  where  a  vast 


THE  CUNEIFORM  LANGUAGE  61 

amount  of  investigation  is  carried  on  in  several  im- 
portant branches  of  the  science.  These  men,  how- 
ever, especially  in  American  universities,  are  so  over- 
loaded with  work  in  more  practical  lines  that  they  can 
do  a  very  small  part  for  the  advancement  of  this  all- 
important  science.  What  is  needed  in  America  espe- 
cially for  this  work  is  an  investigation  endowment, 
which  will  provide  means  for  the  support  of  men  who 
are  willing  to  do  this  unremunerative  and  yet  essen- 
tial line  of  work. 

41.  The  language  in  which  the  mass  of  material 
discovered  in  the  Mesopotamian  valley  is  preserved  is 
the  Babylonian-Assyrian  cuneiform,  or  wedge-writ- 
ing. This  language  is  not  alphabetical.  It  has  no 
letters.  It  is  a  sign  and  syllable  language.  Each 
separate  wedge  or  combination  of  wedges  constitutes 
a  sign.  These  are  always  pressed  into  clay,  and  cut 
into  stone  or  metal.  They  never  appear  in  relief. 
These  signs  possessed  originally,  and  some  of  them  did 
in  later  times,  merely  an  ideographic  value;  that  is, 
the  sign  stood  for  an  idea,  as,  sun,  mountain,  man, 
fish,  etc.  They  also  possess,  most  of  them,  a  syllable 
value,  as  ha,  da,  ra,  laTc,  pin,  rid,  shad,  etc.  A  large 
number  of  these  signs  possess  several  syllabic  values, 
one  or  two  of  them  having  as  many  as  thirteen.  The 
context  only  is  the  determinator  of  the  sign  to  be  used 
in  any  given  case.  Then,  to  complicate  matters  still 
more,  the  same  sign  may  have  both  ideographic  and 
syllabic  values.    Which  is  to  be  used  in  any  given  case 


62         THE  CUNEIFORM  LITERATURE 

can  be  decided  only  by  the  context  in  which  the  sign 
is  found.  Of  independent  and  entirely  distinct  signs 
there  are  more  than  550,  formed  by  combinations  of 
anywhere  from  two  to  thirty  wedges,  paralleled,  cross- 
ing each  other  at  various  angles,  or  inserted  within 
certain  combinations.  Now,  to  increase  the  difficulty 
a  thousandfold,  there  are  almost  endless  combinations 
of  anywhere  from  two  to  six  of  these  different  signs  to 
express  both  simple  and  compound  ideas.  There  is 
one  published  collection  that  contains  nearly  15,000 
combinations.  This  Babylonian-Assyrian  cuneiform 
language  is  Semitic  in  character,  a  half-sister  to  the 
Hebrew  of  the  Old  Testament.  Its  relation  to  the 
Hebrew  is  about  as  close  as  that  between  Italian  and 
Spanish. 

42.  The  discoveries  of  the  past  half-century  have 
brought  to  light  great  masses  of  cuneiform  literature, 
clay-brick  and  clay-tablet  volumes.  We  possess  to- 
day in  published  form  more  than  six  times  as  much 
literature  as  is  contained  in  the  Hebrew  of  the  Old 
Testament.  The  British  Museum  alone  has  published 
440  folio  and  350  quarto  pages,  and  there  is  one-half 
as  much  more  in  private  and  archaeological  publica- 
tions. Not  one-quarter  of  all  the  inscriptions  dis- 
covered has  been  published.  The  British  Museum 
alone  has  more  than  30,000  tablets  awaiting  the 
patient  toil  of  the  cuneiform  expert.  The  period  of 
time  covered  by  these  documents  is  no  less  surprising 
than  their  scope.    They  occur  from  prehistoric  times. 


KINDS  OF  CUNEIFORM  LITERATURE  63 

or  before  5,000  B.  C,  down  through  a  sweep  of  time 
covering  periods  anterior  to,  contemporaneous  with, 
and  subsequent  to  the  Old  Testament.  In  fact,  docu- 
ments in  the  cuneiform  character  have  been  found 
dating  from  the  first  century  before  the  Christian  era. 

43.  What  kind  of  material  is  contained  in  this  mass 
of  literature,  which  prevailed  through  so  many  cen- 
turies ? 

(1)  The  most  beautiful  and  elaborate  inscriptions 
are  those  which  in  a  rough  classification  may  be 
termed  historical.  They  picture  with  great  vividness 
the  lordship  of  his  majesty  the  king,  the  magnitude  of 
his  military  campaigns,  the  glory  of  his  conquests, 
the  scope  of  his  territory,  and  the  cruel  means  by 
which  he  kept  his  subjects  in  submission.  For  the 
study  of  the  Old  Testament  these  inscriptions,  or  this 
new  knowledge,  is  invaluable.  For  example,  Shal- 
maneser  II  (860-25  B.  C.)  mentions  in  his  records  the 
names  of  Ahab,  Jehu,  and  Omri.  Tiglathpileser  III 
(745-727  B.  C.)  names  Menahem,  Pekah,  and  Hoshea 
of  Israel,  and  Azariah  and  Ahaz  of  Judah — five  kings 
of  Israel  and  Judah.  The  captivities  of  the  children 
of  Israel  are  now  new  stories  on  a  new  and  definite 
background.  Again,  the  later  Babylonian  empire, 
captured  by  Cyrus,  is  now  relieved  of  its  burdens  of 
tradition  with  which  Berosus  and  Herodotus  had 
loaded  it  down.  Cyrus  now  tells  us  his  own  story,  and 
his  captive  king,  Nabonidus,  also  leaves  us  his  ver- 
sion of  the  same  wonderful  campaign.     In  short. 


64  HISTORICAL;   CHRONOLOGICAL 

these  historical  cuneiform  inscriptions  have  painted 
for  us  an  entirely  new  background  for  the  historical 
and  prophetical  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which 
recount  events  in  Israel's  history  during  the  last  two 
centuries  of  its  kingdom. 

(2)  One  of  the  most  tangled-up  questions  of  the 
Old  Testament  is  that  of  its  chronology.  We  are 
doubtless  aware  that  the  marginal  dates  of  our  Bibles 
were  arranged  by  Archbishop  Ussher  of  Armagh 
(1580-1656).  It  is  conceded  by  all  scholars  that  this 
system,  though  carefully  wrought  out,  and  as  good  as 
could  be  constructed  at  that  day,  is  now  fraught  with 
insurmountable  difficulties.  No  way  is  seen  out  of 
this  jungle.  But  in  this  age  of  startling  discoveries, 
we  must  not  despair.  This  cuneiform  literature  pre- 
serves for  us  long  lists  of  officials  and  kings,  extending 
through  centuries,  which  promise  to  aid  us  in  getting 
rid  of  this  chronological  snarl  into  which  Ussher  has 
put  the  Old  Testament.  Let  us  hold  the  chronolog- 
ical problem  in  abeyance  for  larger  and  more  definite 
information,  stretching  over  greater  periods  of  time. 

(3)  Babylonia-Assyria,  as  most  oriental  peoples, 
had  some  stupendous  stories  about  the  origin  and 
early  history  of  mankind.  The  literature  embodying 
these  stories  is  quite  abundant  and  exceedingly  im- 
portant. "We  find  here  accounts  or  figures  of  the  crea- 
tion of  the  world,  of  the  temptation,  and  of  the  deluge. 
Their  early  heroes  were  extremely  active,  and  played 
an  essential  role  in  these  tragical  events.     The  impor- 


GEOGRAPHICAL;   COMMERCIAL  65 

tance  of  these  legends  is  based  on  the  fact  of  their 
close  resemblance  to  the  early  chapters  of  Genesis. 

(4)  Many  cities  and  places  mentioned  in  the  Old 
Testament  were  lost,  or  were  so  indefinitely  described 
that  their  existence  even  was  doubted.  But  our  new 
cuneiform  literature  presents  us  long  lists  of  coun- 
tries, cities,  and  towns  in  such  order  as  to  aid  us 
materially  in  locating  some  of  those  lost  ones.  The 
lists  give  us  a  kind  of  word-map  of  ancient  Babylonian 
geography,  including  therein  some  of  its  subject  peo- 
ples. We  can  now  point  out,  for  instance,  the  site  of 
Nineveh,  one  of  the  places  to  which  the  kingdom  of 
Israel  was  carried  captive,  the  seat  of  Sargon's  great 
palace  at  Khorsabad,  and  locations  of  other  smaller 
places.  These  facts  help  us  to  localize  many  of  the 
events  of  the  Old  Testament  which  have  hitherto 
been  practically  suspended  in  mid-air. 

(5)  The  social  life  of  a  nation  is  often  best  pre- 
served in  its  commercial  transactions.  Babylonian 
excavations  have  brought  to  light  large  numbers  of 
contracts  between  parties  engaged  in  commercial  pur- 
suits, such  as  bankers,  merchants,  land-holders, 
money-lenders,  etc.  These  documents  tell  us  what 
kind  of  masters  Judah  and  Israel  were  compelled  to 
serve.  They  are  shown  to  have  been  an  active, 
thrifty,  wealthy  people,  who  made  Babylon  long  ages 
ago  one  of  the  great  trading  marts  of  the  oriental 
world. 

(6)  No  discovery  of  the  past  quarter-century  has 


66  INTERNATIONAL;  MISCELLANEOUS 

fired  enthusiasm  in  oriental  research  more  than  the 
bringing  to  light  in  1887,  in  Tel-el- Amarna  in  Egypt, 
of  those  300  letters  which  proved  to  be  international 
letters  or  dispatches,  dating  principally  from  about 
1,500  B.  C;  that  is,  while  Israel  was  still  sojourn- 
ing in  Egypt.  They  were  letters  to  two  kings  of 
Egypt  from  different  kings  and  officials  in  Asiatic 
countries.  They  speak  of  political  conditions,  of 
social  relations,  of  exchange  of  gifts,  slaves,  and  pro- 
posals of  various  kinds,  such  as  were  made  between 
different  nations  and  subject  nations.  Their  im- 
portance can  be  perceived  when  we  think  that  they 
give  us  some  of  the  real  international  life  of  Western 
Asia  and  Egypt  before  a  single  word  of  the  Old 
Testament  was  written. 

(7)  There  are  many  other  kinds  of  literature  in 
these  magical  writings  which  I  can  barely  mention. 
We  find  documents,  not  scientific  treatises,  on 
grammar,  philology,  ethnography,  religion,  geology, 
zoology,  and  botany.  But  for  our  purpose  these  pos- 
sess little  value.  They  reveal  to  us,  however,  the  fact 
that  previous  to,  contemporaneous  With,  and  subse- 
quent to  Israel's  career  a  tremendous  influence  and 
power  were  at  work  in  Babylonia,  and  its  subject  peo- 
ples. Those  things  profoundly  affected  Israel  and 
gave  color  to  many  phases  of  her  life. 


CHAPTER   VI 

GLINTS  PROM  PALESTINE,   PHCENICIA,   AND  THE 
HITTITES 

44.  The  land  that  to-day  attracts  the  largest  atten- 
tion among  Bible  students  is  Palestine.  Occupying 
a  territory  of  about  12,000  square  miles,  it  still  stands 
as  the  center,  as  the  scene  of  the  most  important 
events  in  the  world's  history.  From  the  first  altar 
built  by  Abram  (Genesis  xiii.)  down  to  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  by  Titus,  its  mountains  and  valleys,  its 
rocks  and  ravines,  echoed  and  re-echoed  with  shouts  of 
warriors,  with  cries  of  grief,  with  calls  of  the  shep- 
herd, and  with  the  weighty  utterances  of  the  Savior  of 
the  world.  Century  after  century,  travelers  have  re- 
corded for  us  the  customs  and  topography  of  this  little 
land.  But  never  until  1865  was  an  organization 
formed  for  systematic  and  scientific  research  in  those 
holy  fields.  The  first  committee  organized  included 
such  names  as  the  Duke  of  Argyll,  the  Earl  of  Shafts- 
bury,  Mr.  A.  H.  Layard,  Dean  Stanley,  Sir  Henry 
Rawlinson,  and  Canon  H.  B.  Tristram.  After  a  pre- 
liminary examination  this  company  began  active 
operations  in  1867  on  the  site  of  Jerusalem,  where  it 
continued  until  1870.     In  the  same  year  Clermont- 

67 


68  STBVEY   OP  WKSTEBX   PALESTISE 

Gmseu,  a  French  arch^cdogist  in  the  employ  of  the 
oompanT,  discoTered  an  inscribed  stone  which  had 
bekmged  to  Herod's  temple.  In  the  same  year  (IS TO) 
tiie  sttrvey  of  Sinai  was  condncted  by  Major  H.  S. 
PiJmer  and  Captain  Wilson,  and  in  ISTl  Prof.  E.  H. 
Fiilmer  made  his  perilons  journey  through  the  wilder- 


45.  The  Great  Survey  of  Western  Palestine  was 
begrm  in  1ST 2.  After  seven  years  of  incessant,  and 
often  dangerous,  labor,  and  several  changes  in  the 
personnel  of  leaders,  the  work  was  completed-  In 
ISSO  the  great  map  of  western  Palestine  was  pub- 
lished (on  which  each  square  mile  is  represented  by 
one  inch)  in  twenty-sis  sheets.  The  results  of  the 
entire  survey  are  now  available  in  seven  magnificent 
volumes,  which  deal  with  all  the  characierisrics  of 
natural  history  and  topography.  One  of  the  chief 
results  to  ns  of  this  great  survey  is  the  identification 
of  Scripture  sites.  There  are  in  the  Bible  622  names 
of  plac-es,  supposed  to  have  been  located  west  of  the 
Jordan,  Of  these,  360  c-ould  not  be  identified;  but 
this  survey  party  succeeded  in  finding  1T2  of  the  360 
Tnijyjng  places. 

46.  In  ISSl  Lieutenant  Conder  began  the  survey  of 
eastern  Palestine,  but  the  Turks  compelled  his  retire- 
ment. In  IS 83  a  geological  expedition  left  England 
under  Prof.  Edward  Hull  of  the  Geological  Survey  of 
Ireland-     In  18&5  and  sinc-e  that  time  large  tracts  of 


ESCATATIC»IS  Dl  JESBO&kSJBM.  69 

country  in  noniiem  Palestiiie,  in  Bashan,  and  in  the 
Argob  have  been  explored  nnder  the  direction  of  the 
Palestine  Exploration  Fund,  The  resultB  at  these 
varions  expeditions  have  been  issued  in  a  number  of 
valnable  pnhKcations,  Qnarteriy  sUtements,  bring- 
ing the  information  np  to  date,  are  iasned  for  the 
benefit  of  Pakstndan  students  and  aeholara  in  ewerj 

land- 

47.  Bnt  the  keT  to  the  Holy  Land  is  fonnd  oai  the 
sranmits  :  t:  '  "  the  modem  dty  Jerasakm.  Ho 
orients!  ::  : :  iri-'il  city  has  been  subjected  to  sudi 
patjr-^  -  ::^  -  >  :;r  thirty-fire  centnries  of  time. 
The  storms  :  "^e  throng  all  these  ]FeaT«  haTC 
repeatf^  "  l^r  walls,  it:--  r  np« 


her  the   direst  resnlts  of  phmder   :_  a. 

From  1S6T  to  IS  TO  Lieutenant  Wairen  sunk  scores  of 
shafts  dovn  through  the  ages  of  aci^Lzi^  ibbish, 

always  to  bed-rock.    WhereTerth  ai 

artificial  structures,  such  as  arv  -•  ^^^a- 

tems,  or  other  works,  they  were  ei:  "" 

measured,  and  a  plan  sketdied  to  _        -  ^ 

of  these  years  of  work --^-en  -  ^  -     :-5Titi. 

ful  survey  men:-,  t-i 

date,  this  dty  li _    _ 

in  Palestine.     The  latest  ex"  :ii  "^  J^-  ^'    - 

on  this  site,  under  the  direction  oi  the  p-mi^    -    -^ 
years  1S^M:-9T,  yieliri  -i-j  resTilts.  s::  ^ 

TeaLur    :      i  -il-hz  5  z:  s^chan"  '^ 


70  EXCAVATIONS  IN  PALESTINE 

pavements,  and  pottery  of  various  periods.  These 
results  are  recited  in  a  new  volume,  entitled  Excava- 
tions at  Jerusalem  (1894-97),  by  Bliss  and  Dickie. 

One  point  only  in  Palestine  outside  of  Jerusalem 
has  been  systematically  explored,  that  is  Lachish,  or 
Tell  el-Hesy.  In  1890  Mr.  Petrie  began  to  turn  over 
the  hillocks  of  this  mass  of  ruins.  He  found  numer- 
ous remains  of  pottery  and  old  buildings  of  times  prior 
to,  and  of,  Roman  times.  A  little  later  Dr.  Bliss  con- 
tinued the  work,  and  laid  bare  several  successive 
cities,  and  published  a  detailed  description  of  his  ex- 
cavations in  A  Mound  of  Many  Cities. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  finds  in  Palestine  is 
that  of  the  Madaba  map.  It  was  discovered  and 
identified  December  13,  1896,  by  Cleopas  M.  Koiky- 
lides,  at  the  site  of  ancient  Medeba,  about  eleven  cara- 
van hours  from  Jericho,  in  ancient  Moabitish  terri- 
tory. It  was  in  the  ruins  of  an  old  basilica,  upon 
which  the  Greeks  built  a  new  church  for  their  mem- 
bers resident  in  the  town.  In  constructing  this  build- 
ing they  destroyed  large  parts  of  the  map,  and  covered 
some  of  it  with  cement  for  a  new  pavement.  The 
original  mosaic  is  thought  to  have  covered  280  square 
meters,  but  the  fragments  now  remaining  contain  only 
eighteen  square  meters.  Its  remains  now  show  parts 
of  Syria,  Palestine,  and  Egypt.  It  is  thought  from 
internal  evidence  to  have  been  made  between  the 
middle  of  the  fourth  and  the  middle  of  the  fifth  cen- 
turies. 


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PHCENICIA  AND  ISRAEL  71 

48.  The  thrifty  cities  of  Tyre  and  Sidon  hold  a 
large  place  in  the  Old  Testament.  Though  the 
Phoenicians  occupied  just  a  narrow  strip  of  territory 
between  the  range  of  the  Lebanon  Mountains  and  the 
Mediterranean  Sea,  no  other  people  exerted  so  potent 
an  influence  on  Israel  in  the  period  of  the  dual  king- 
dom. From  prehistoric  times  they  figure  as  pioneers 
and  leaders  in  the  maritime  and  land  commerce  of  all 
the  world.  From  1800  to  1500  B.  C.  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea  was  dotted  with  the  sails  of  Phoenician 
ships.  Their  merchants  called  at  all  the  ports  of  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  and  adjoining  waters.  Their 
mines  and  merchants  were  found  in  every  land.  The 
Old  Testament  is  replete  with  statements  of  the  com- 
mercial importance  of  this  people.  In  the  days  of 
David  and  Solomon  they  were  the  chief  artisans  for 
the  preparation  and  for  the  construction  of  the  royal 
residences  and  the  temple.  Their  products,  cedar 
and  stone,  were  exchanged  for  the  cereals  and  other 
products  of  the  Israelites.  This  commercial  intimacy 
introduced  them  very  thoroughly  to  each  other,  and 
they  most  naturally  exchanged  many  customs  and 
manners.  But  the  most  fatal  result  to  Israel  was  the 
introduction  and  promulgation  of  Baal  worship 
among  the  hills  of  Palestine.  The  repugnance  which 
this  system  of  religion  arouses  in  the  reader  of  the 
Old  Testament  is  equaled  only  by  the  horrible  rites 
which  accompanied  it.  So  far  as  the  Old  Testament 
is  concerned,  the  picture  was  a  blood-curdling  one. 


72  TEMPLE  RUINS  IN  PHCENICIA 

and  to  many  readers  incredible  without  some  external 
testimony. 

49.  The  discoveries  of  remains  in  this  strip  of  terri- 
tory have  been  slight  as  compared  with  those  made  in 
Egypt  and  in  Mesopotamia.  Some  ruins,  however, 
have  been  described  with  great  detail.  In  1860  the 
Emperor  of  France  sent  Renan,  the  noted  French 
writer,  to  explore  Syria  and  Phoenicia.  One  re- 
markable temple  ruin  was  discovered  at  Marathus  on 
the  coast  of  Phoenicia.  It  was  a  grand  plan  cut  into 
the  solid  rock,  192  feet  long  by  160  feet  broad.  In 
the  middle  of  this  area  was  left  a  portion  of  the 
natural  rock,  20  feet  square  by  10  feet  high.  On  the 
top  of  this  cubical  mass  had  been  built,  of  separate 
stones,  a  small  shrine  15  feet  by  12  feet  and  14  feet 
high.  The  walls  were  made  of  three  layers  of  hewn 
stone,  and  the  roof  of  a  single  block.  The  only  ex- 
ternal ornament  is  a  fillet  and  cornice  on  the  four  sides 
of  the  roof.  No  steps  or  stairs  lead  up  into  this 
chamber,  and  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  it  was 
entered.  It  is  supposed  that  it  originally  contained 
an  image  of  a  deity  before  whom  worshipers  in  the 
court  below  prostrated  themselves.  Two  similar 
shrines  were  discovered  by  Renan  in  the  same  neigh- 
borhood— indicating  the  importance  attached  to  this 
species  of  worship  by  the  Phoenicians. 

The  best  artisans  employed  by  Solomon  in  the 
construction  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  were 
Phoenicians.     In  the  substructure  of  the  temple  it 


RUmS  OF  WALLS  AND  TOMBS  73 

is  found  that  the  stones  resting  upon  the  native  bed- 
rock have  in  some  instances  a  length  of  thirty-nine 
feet  and  a  depth  of  seven  feet,  while  the  courses  for  a 
considerable  height  are  formed  of  blocks  almost  equal- 
ly massive.  Excavations  at  Gebeil  and  Tortosa,  in 
Phoenicia,  have  shown  walls  composed  of  stones  of 
almost  exactly  the  same  character.  But  the  most 
notable  temple  yet  discovered  was  at  Paphos,  in  Cy- 
prus. General  di  Cesnola  deserves  the  honor  of  find- 
ing and  describing  it.  The  ruins  reveal  a  double  peri- 
bolus,  both  oblong  squares,  the  larger  700  feet  by 
630  feet,  the  smaller  or  inner  224  by  165  feet.  Both 
are  built  of  the  usual  colossal  stones,  some  of  which 
measure  16  feet  by  8  feet,  and  are  not  to  be  found 
in  that  country,  but  were  imported  either  from  Egypt 
or  Cilicia. 

50.  The  walls  of  cities  were  built  of  the  same  mass- 
ive stone  as  those  found  in  temple  foundations.  In 
some  cases  the  stones  were  beveled,  but  in  others  they 
were  simply  squared  blocks  of  immense  size,  set  upon 
one  another  in  regular  courses.  The  most  striking 
remains  of  this  character  are  those  of  the  Island  of 
Aradus.  Eenan  says :  "The  extraordinary  wall  which 
surrounded  the  whole  island  served  both  for  a  defense 
against  the  enemy,  and  against  the  waves.  It  was 
composed  of  quadrangular  prisms  nine  feet  three 
inches  high  and  from  thirteen  to  sixteen  feet  long, 
without  mortar  or  cement.  They  were  brought  from 
a  neighboring  quarry  on  the  island.    I  do  not  think 


74  IMAGES  OF  BAAL 

that  there  is  anywhere  else  in  the  whole  world  a  ruin 
that  is  more  imposing  or  of  a  more  marked  character." 
The  next  species  of  discovery  to  which  I  desire  to  call 
attention  is  that  of  the  tombs.  One  of  the  so-called 
twin  tombs,  MegJiazils,  which  stand  behind  Aradus, 
near  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  is,  says  Ke- 
nan, ^^a  real  masterpiece  in  respect  of  proportion,  ele- 
gance and  majesty."  It  has  a  basement  story,  circular, 
and  flanked  by  four  lions;  a  second  story  cylindrical 
in  form,  and  a  third  of  smaller  dimensions  crowned 
with  a  half-sphere.  The  whole,  except  the  basement 
story,  which  consists  of  four  blocks,  is  cut  out  of  a 
single  stone.  The  entire  monument  is  thirty-two  feet 
in  height.  But  of  most  interest  is  the  fact  that  it 
stands  over  a  tomb  chamber — built  probably  for 
some  king  or  notable  personage.  The  entrance  to  this 
chamber  was  at  a  little  distance  from  the  monu- 
ment. Fifteen  steps  led  down  to  a  passage  twenty-five 
feet  long,  opening  into  a  chamber  twenty  feet  by 
twenty  by  nine.  At  the  farther  end  were  two  long 
chambers,  each  containing  niches  for  four  coffins  or 
sarcophagi — all  cut  in  the  solid  rock.  Though  with- 
out date,  these  tombs  are  traced  to  a  very  early  period. 
51.  Another  species  of  remains  is  of  still  greater 
interest.  On  the  Isle  of  Cyprus,  especially,  a  great 
number  of  small  and  large  images  of  Baal  and  Astarte 
have  been  found.  The  character  of  these  symbols 
tells  the  tale  of  Israel's  rapid  defection.  They  are  the 
symbols  of  the  most  degrading  forms  of  idolatry,  and 


^^ 


«, 


A  PHCENICIAN  INSCRIPTION 
(From  the  sarcophagus  of  Eshmunazar  II,  king  of  the  Zidoniaiis  about  400  B.  C.) 


PHCENICIA'S  INFLUENCE  75 

are  designed  to  lead  their  devotees  to  an  abandoned 
life.  The  mistranslated  word  ''groves''  in  the  Old 
Testament  is  descriptive  of  this  species  of  worship, 
which  was  so  often  carried  on  under  the  shades  of 
trees,  and  by  its  deeds  of  wickedness  brought  upon 
Israel  its  doom  of  destruction, 

52.  The  commercial  and  social  influence  of  the 
Phoenicians  gave  added  strength  to  their  beliefs  and 
worship.  Wherever  they  established  colonies,  or  built 
cities,  or  carried  on  trading  posts,  they  left  the  im- 
press of  their  national  characteristics,  especially  that 
of  their  religion.  The  decipherment  of  Egyptian  and 
Assyrian  inscriptions  has  also  set  before  us  many  of 
the  most  stirring  events  and  crises  in  their  political 
history.  Their  relations  to  Assyria  and  Babylon  are 
vividly  described  in  some  of  the  triumphal  and 
annalistic  records  of  the  latter.  Egypt's  dependence 
upon  this  maritime  commercial  people  is  also  a 
bright  ray  of  light  out  of  a  dark  period.  While  the 
immediate  discoveries  of  tombs,  temples,  and  litera- 
ture of  ancient  Phoenicia  have  been  few,  these,  to- 
gether with  the  revelations  in  the  records  of  her 
neighbors,  are  enough  to  win  a  glad  welcome  from 
every  student  of  the  ancient  past. 

53.  The  Hittites  are  often  mentioned  in  the  Old 
Testament.  Otherwise  they  were  a  forgotten  people 
until  the  second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
The  lack  of  extra-biblical  testimony  to  their  existence 
led  some  scholars  about  a  half-century  ago  to  deny 


76  HITTITES  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

their  historicity.  They  scoffed  at  the  idea  of  Israel 
allying  herself  with  such  an  unhistorical  people  as  the 
Hittites,  as  narrated  in  2  Kings  vii.  6.  But  those 
utterances  have  vanished  into  thin  air.  The  Hittites 
were  as  real  a  people  and  power  as  any  that  reigned 
in  Asia.  Their  supremacy  in  Asia  Minor  and  north- 
ern Syria  was  contemporaneous  with  the  reign  of 
Rameses  II  in  Egypt.  Their  power  was  matched 
with  the  great  army  of  that  Pharaoh,  with  whom  they 
signed  a  remarkable  treaty.  They  continued  as  a 
powerful  factor  in  the  affairs  of  Asia  Minor  until  the 
downfall  of  their  capital,  Carchemish,  before  the  arms 
of  Sargon  II,  in  717  B.  C. 

54.  Their  mention  in  the  Old  Testament  begins 
very  early.  "The  children  of  Heth''  occupied  a  por- 
tion of  southern  Palestine  in  Abraham's  day.  It  was 
from  Ephron  the  Hittite  that  Abraham  purchased  the 
cave  of  Machpelah  (Gen.  xxiii.).  Esau  took  to  wife 
Judith,  the  daughter  of  Beeri  the  Hittite,  and  Bashe- 
math,  the  daughter  of  Elon  the  Hittite  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
34).  These  Hittites  in  Palestine  were  probably  no 
more  than  a  small  settlement  of  the  great  empire 
whose  headquarters  were  in  the  north-country.  They 
are  named  among  the  seven  nations  who  occupied  the 
land  of  Canaan  at  its  conquest  by  Joshua.  Occa- 
sionally one  appears  in  subsequent  days,  such  as 
Uriah,  the  Hittite  of  David's  warriors.  The  evident 
reference  in  1  Kings  x.  29  and  in  2  Kings  vii.  6  is 


HITTITES  IN  THE  INSCRIPTIONS  77 

to  the  great  people  in  the  north,  whose  armies  were 
to  be  feared  for  their  valor  and  cruelty. 

55.  The  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  monuments  picture 
to  us  a  powerful  nation,  able  in  the  time  of  Rameses 
II  to  cope  with  Egypt,  or  with  any  other  world-power. 
They  are  described  both  in  the  language  and  in  the 
portraiture  of  the  Egyptians.  Their  origin  is  un- 
known, and  their  first  appearance  as  an  influential 
people  began  about  the  fourteenth  century  B.  C. 
From  that  time  they  formed  one  of  the  great  nations 
— "the  congress  of  nations" — for  nearly  seven  cen- 
turies, though  their  military  power  was  not  always  of 
equal  merit.  We  know  from  the  material  supplied  by 
these  two  peoples  that  the  Hittites  were  not  a  myth- 
ical, an  unhistorical  race  of  that  far-off  day,  at  what- 
ever period  the  biblical  narrative  may  have  been 
composed. 

56.  More  than  this,  we  have  a  quantity  of  Hittite 
antiquities,  carved  on  the  sides  of  mountains,  on  rock 
sides  of  mountain  passes,  on  ruins  of  Hittite  build- 
ings of  various  kinds,  in  southern  Asia  Minor  and 
northern  Syria.  These  remains  consist  of  reliefs  of 
personages  or  deities,  of  animals,  or  of  ritualistic  ob- 
servances of  different  kinds,  and  of  quite  a  sum  of 
inscriptions,  written  in  strange  hieroglyphic  charac- 
ters. These  antiquities  tell  us  by  their  general  char- 
acter that  their  makers  were  a  people  who  had  reached 
a  considerable  stage  in  civilization.  Their  religion 
and  art,  as  told  by  these  outlines,  were  not  equal  to 


78  DIEULAFOY  AT  SUSA 

those  of  Egypt  or  of  the  East.  There  is  a  crudeness 
in  their  representations  and  in  their  written  language 
which  locates  them  lower  in  the  scale  of  culture  than 
the  Egyptians  and  Assyrians.  But  the  greatest  hin- 
drance to  our  knowledge  of  the  Hittites  is  the  fact 
that  their  inscriptions  are  not  as  yet  successfully  de- 
ciphered. Numerous  attempts  have  been  made  to 
read  the  language,  but  the  lack  of  a  key,  such  as  the 
Eosetta  stone  was  for  the  Egyptian  or  the  Behistun 
inscription  for  the  cuneiform  languages,  baffles  the  in- 
vestigator. When  these  stories  of  themselves  shall 
have  been  read,  we  shall  know  at  first  hand  how  they 
recorded  their  own  annals,  their  own  thoughts,  and 
how  they  regarded  their  divinities,  and  their  neigh- 
bors. In  the  meantime  we  shall  regard  them  as  a 
mighty  people — a  compact  nation,  who  occupied  a 
distinct  place  in  ancient  times. 

57.  In  the  years  1884-86  a  French  engineer  by  the 
name  of  Dieulafoy  carried  on  excavations  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Louvre  Museum,  Paris,  at  Susa,  or  the 
Shushan  of  the  book  of  Esther.  After  some  startling 
experiences  he  finally  succeeded  in  bringing  to  light 
the  palace  of  Artaxerxes  II,  together  with  a  marvelous 
quantity  of  interesting  antiquities.  These  included 
bas-reliefs,  friezes,  statues,  inscriptions,  and  in  fact 
almost  everything  which  made  up  the  beauty  and 
magnificence  of  a  Persian  palace  in  the  most  pros- 
perous period  of  the  empire.  Up  to  the  present  we 
are  not  aware  of  the  full  significance  of  these  finds. 


ARABIA  J    SYRIA  79 

because  their  treasures  are  not  all  accessible  to  the 
scholarships  of  the  world.  But  it  is  hoped  that  a 
more  careful  study  of  these  forty-six  tons  of  antiqui- 
ties may  add  materially  to  our  knowledge  of  the  events 
and  customs  of  the  reign  of  the  great  Persian  kings. 

58.  Discoveries  of  more  or  less  significance  for  the 
Old  Testament  have  been  made  also  in  Arabia  from 
1888  to  1891,  where  Dr.  Glaser,  a  German,  found 
Arabic  inscriptions  dating,  as  he  claims,  from  the 
times  of  the  reign  of  Solomon.  The  Germans  have 
also  opened  a  productive  mound  in  Syria,  at  a  place 
called  Senjirli,  whence  they  took  out  Aramaic  and 
Assyrian  inscriptions  dating  at  the  close  of  the  eighth 
and  beginning  of  the  seventh  century  B.  C. 

This  brief  sketch  of  some  of  the  minor  discoveries 
of  recent  years  must  suffice  for  the  present.  We  must 
now  turn  our  attention  to  a  study  of  the  most  notable 
light  that  these  excavations  yield  to  the  understand- 
ing of  the  Old  Testament. 


CHAPTEE  VII 

PRIMITIVE  TRADITIONS  AND  GENESIS 

59.  Almost  all  of  the  great  nations  of  antiquity- 
have  preserved  legends  or  traditions  of  the  creation 
of  the  world,  of  the  origin  of  man,  of  the  fall,  and 
of  the  deluge.  These  traditions  vary  greatly  in  value. 
Some  of  them  are  not  worthy  of  mention,  while  others 
are  so  startling  in  their  resemblances  to  the  accounts 
in  Genesis  as  to  demand  careful  consideration.  Of 
all  the  traditions  found  to-day  in  the  documents  of 
the  old  nations,  those  embodied  in  the  cuneiform  lan- 
guage of  Babylonia-Assyria  are  by  far  the  most  in- 
teresting and  important.  In  the  consideration  of 
these  traditions,  the  order  of  events  narrated  in  Gen- 
esis will  be  followed.  It  will  be  practically  impossible 
to  present  in  full  the  Babylonian  cosmogony,  but  its 
general  representation  of  the  beginnings  of  things  will 
be  seen  from  the  appended  specimens  of  translations. 

60.  The  history  of  the  finding  of  the  creation  tab- 
lets of  Assyria  is  full  of  romantic  interest,  but  we  can 
notice  here  only  its  translation.  It  is  supposed  to 
have  consisted  originally  of  seven  tablets.  The  fol- 
lowing is  the  only  remaining  fragment  of  the  first 
(Delitzsch,  Assyr.  Lesestilcke,  3d  ed.,  p.  93): 

80 


ASSYRIAN  STORY  OF  CREATION  81 

There  was  a  time  when,  what  is  overhead,  was  not  called 

heaven, 
What  is  beneath,  was  not  yet  called  earth.  — 
The  abyss,  the  ancient,  their  progenitor. 
The  mother  Tiamat,  was  the  bearer  of  them  all. 
Their  waters  were  all  together  in  one  place  [  =  unscattered]. 
The  fields  were  not  prepared,  the  moor  was  not  to  be  seen. 
At  that  time  none  of  the  gods  had  appeared, 
Neither  was  any  one's  name  implored,  nor  was  any  destiny 

fixed. 
[Then]  the  gods  were  created  .... 
Lachmu  and  Lachamu  issued  forth. 
And  they  brought  forth An-Sar  (and) 

Ki-Sar  were  created. 
A  long  time  elapsed  .... 
[Ere]  the  god  Anu  [Bel  and  Ea  were  born]. 
An-Sar  and  Ki-Sar  [bore  them !]. 

In  brief,  the  interpretation  of  this  fragmentary^  in- 
scription is  that  early,  even  before  the  beginning  of 
things,  except  tbe  abyss  or  chaos,  the  gods  first  ap- 
peared. Lachmu  and  Lachamu  produce  the  heavens 
above  (An-sar),  and  the  earth  beneath  (Ki-sar).  After 
a  lapse  of  time  these  two  bodies  produce  the  three 
great  gods  of  the  Babylonian  pantheon,  Anu,  ruler  of 
the  sky,  Bel,  ruler  of  the  earth,  and  Ea,  ruler  of  the 
sea.  What  we  possess  of  the  fourth  tablet  describes  the 
victory  of  Merodach  over  Tiamat,  or  the  goddess  of 
chaos,  and  all  her  host  of  allies.  This  is  the  formal 
defeat  of  chaos  and  the  victory  of  order.  Merodach 
constructed  the  heavens  out  of  the  skin  of  Tiamat, 
and  Anu,  Bel  and  Ea  occupied  it  as  their  abode.  The 
fifth  tablet  describes  in  a  beautiful  manner  the  fur- 
nishing of  the  heavenly  mansions  (Del.,  A.  L.,  p.  94); 


82       BABYLONIAN  STORY  OF  CREATION 

He  [Merodach]  prepared  the  mansions  of  the  great  gods ; 
He  fixed  the  stars,  the  lumashu,  corresponding  to  them ; 
He  fixed  the  year,  and  set  its  boundaries. 
[For]  the  twelve  months  he  fixed  three  stars, 
From  the  opening  of  the  year  to  its  close. 

The  sixth  tablet  has  not  been  as  yet  discovered.  The 
seventh  tablet,  very  fragmentary  in  form,  describes 
the  following  events  (Del.,  A.  L.,  pp.  94,  95): 

At  that  time  the  gods  in  their  assembly  created  .     .     .    .    ; 

They  prepared  the  mighty ; 

They  created  the  living  creatures, 

The  cattle  of  the  field,  the  [wild]  beasts  of  the  field,  and 
creeping  things ; 

[They  prepared  dwelling  places]  for  the  living  creatures ; 

They  distributed  the  creeping  things  of  the  field,  the  creep- 
ing things  of  the  city. 

the  creeping  things,  the  sum  of  all  creation. 

Though  fragmentary  to  an  aggravation,  there  are 
some  significant  words  and  expressions  as  to  the  origin 
of  animal  life. 

61.  A  few  years  ago,  Mr.  T.  G.  Pinches,  of  the 
British  Museum,  discovered  another  queer  record  of 
creation.  I  append  a  few  lines  of  the  translation : 

The  glorious  house,  the  house  of  the  gods,  in  a  glorious 

place  had  not  been  made  ; 
A  plant  had  not  grown,  a  tree  had  not  been  formed ; 
A  brick  had  not  been  laid,  a  beam  had  not  been  shaped ; 
A  house  had  not  been  built,  a  foundation  had  not  been 

gloriously  made. 
Niffer  had  not  been  built,  E-kura  had  not  been  constructed ; 
Erech  had  not  been  built,  E-ana  had  not  been  constructed ; 
The  abyss  had  not  been  made,  Eridu  had  not  been  built. 


BABYLONIAN   STORY   OP  CREATION  83 

(As  for)  the  glorious  house,  the  house  of  the  gods,  its  seat 

had  not  been  constructed  ; 
The  whole  of  the  lands  and  the  sea  also, 
When  within  the  sea  there  was  a  stream. 

In  that  day  Eridu  was  built,  E-sagila  was  constructed, 

E-sagila  which  the  god  Lugal-du-azaga  founded  within  the 
abyss ; 

Babylon  was  built,  E-sagila  was  completed.  He  made  the 
gods,  and  the  Anunnaki  altogether ; 

The  glorious  city,  the  seat  of  the  joy  of  their  heart,  he  pro- 
claimed supremely. 

Merodach  bound  together  the  amam  before  the  water ; 

He  made  dust,  and  poured  it  out  with  the  flood ; 

The  gods  were  to  be  made  to  dwell  in  a  seat  of  joy  of  heart. 

He  made  mankind ; 

Aruru,  the  seed  of  mankind,  they  made  with  him; 

The  beasts  of  the  field,  the  living  creatures  of  the  desert 
he  made ; 

He  made  and  set  in  their  places  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates; 

Well  proclaimed  be  their  name ! 

The  ussu--plant,  the  dittu-iilant  of  the  marshland,  the  reed 
and  the  forest  he  made ; 

He  made  the  verdure  of  the  desert ; 

The  lands,  the  marshes,  and  the  greensward  also; 

The  ox,  the  young  of  the  horse,  the  stallion,  the  heifer, 
the  sheep,  the  locust, 

Plantation  and  forest  also ; 

The  he-goat  and  the  gazelle  before  him. 

The  lord  Merodach  on  the  sea-shore  fiJled  up  a  mound, 

formerly  had  not  been, 

he  caused  to  be, 

he  made  the  tree, 

he  shaped  the  beam, 

he  built  the  city. 

This  is  a  wonderful  story  or  tradition  of  the  begin- 
ning of  things.    The  writer  strives  through  the  first 


84  COMPARED  WITH  GENESIS 

part  of  it  to  convey  the  idea  of  nothingness,  of  a  time 
when  nothing  existed.  When  he  has  exhausted  his 
resources  in  this  direction  he  turns  about  and  de- 
scribes in  the  same  manner  positively  the  order  of 
creation.  This  story  reads  almost  like  an  expansion 
of  the  Genesis  record  with  a  Babylonian  coloring. 

62.  Before  passing  on  to  other  features  of  Baby- 
lonian tradition,  let  us  look  at  some  of  the  resem- 
blances and  differences  between  Genesis  and  these 
records : 

(1)  Genesis  knows  of  a  time  when  the  earth  was 
waste  and  void.  The  Babylonian  accounts  mention  a 
time  when  all  was  chaos. 

(2)  In  Genesis  light  dispels  darkness,  and  order  fol- 
lows chaos.  In  the  Babylonian  records  the  god  Mero- 
dach  routs  and  overthrows  the  demon  of  chaos,  Tia- 
mat. 

(3)  In  Genesis,  after  a  time,  the  dry  land  appears. 
In  the  Babylonian  account,  Merodach  created  the  dust 
and  poured  it  out. 

(4)  In  Genesis,  the  stars,  sun  and  moon  are  set  in 
the  heavens.  In  the  Babylonian,  Merodach  places 
these  as  the  mansions  of  the  gods. 

(5)  In  Genesis,  God  created  the  animals  and  creep- 
ing things.  In  the  Babylonian,  the  assembly  of  the 
gods  created  animals  and  living  creatures. 

(6)  In  Genesis,  God  created  mankind.  In  the 
Babylonian,  Merodach  creates  mankind. 

Here  are,  then,  six  prominent  similarities  between 


SABBATH  IN  THE  INSCRIPTIONS  85 

the  two  records.  They  are,  of  course,  not  identical, 
but  if  other  portions  of  this  Babylonian  account  had 
been  omitted,  these  lines  would  read  almost  like  a 
copy  of  the  Genesis  record. 

63.  But  the  unlikenesses,  though  not  so  numerous 
as  the  former,  are  extremely  significant : 

(1)  Genesis  mentions  God  as  the  Creator  of  all 
things.  The  Babylonian  record  mentions  no  one  as 
creator  of  all  things,  but  various  gods  come  in  for 
their  share  in  the  beginnings. 

(2)  Genesis  describes  a  waste  and  an  abyss.  The 
Babylonian  account  personifies  these  words  (Tohu  and 
Tiamat)  as  warriors. 

(3)  Genesis  is  pervaded  with  monotheism,  while  the 
Babylonian  account  is  shot  through  with  polytheism. 

How  can  we  account  for  so  few  unlikenesses?  Did 
the  writer  of  the  Genesis  record  borrow  his  account 
from  the  Babylonian  tablets?  or  did  the  Babylonian 
record  have  its  origin  in  the  Genesis  account?  or  did 
both  derive  their  story  from  a  common  original 
source?  These  questions  will  receive  attention  at  the 
close  of  this  chapter. 

64.  The  next  Old  Testament  institution  paralleled 
on  the  monuments  is  the  rest-day,  the  Sabbath.  "God 
rested  on  the  seventh  day  from  all  his  work  which  he 
had  made,  and  God  blessed  the  seventh  day  and  sanc- 
tified it,  because  in  it  he  rested  from  all  his  work 
which  God  had  creatively  made"  (Gen.  ii.  3).  The 
seventh  day  rest,  or  festival,  was  observed  among  the 


86  SACREDNESS  OF  SEVEN 

Babylonians  as  among  the  Jews.  Its  name,  and  many 
of  its  requirements,  were  the  same  as  those  of  the 
Mosaic  ritual.  The  calendar  of  saints'  days  for  the 
intercalary  month  Elul  makes  the  seventh,  the  four- 
teenth, the  twenty-first,  and  the  twenty-eighth  days 
of  the  lunar  month,  days  on  which  certain  works  were 
forbidden  to  be  done.  On  these  days,  among  other 
things,  '^flesh  cooked  on  the  coals  or  in  the  smoke  may 
not  be  eaten;  the  clothing  of  the  body  may  not  be 
changed;  white  garments  may  not  be  put  on;  sacri- 
fices may  not  be  offered;  the  king  may  not  ride  in 
his  chariot,  nor  speak  in  public."  In  fact,  restrictions 
were  laid  upon  everything  which  implied  or  necessi- 
tated work  of  any  kind.  The  differences  between  the 
Hebrew  and  Babylonian  Sabbath  are  striking:  (1) 
The  Hebrew  Sabbath  has  no  connection  with  Babylo- 
nian astronomy  and  polytheistic  worship — our  day  has 
no.  relation  whatever  to  the  planets  or  planetary  dei- 
ties. (2)  The  Hebrew  Sabbath  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  changes  of  the  moon — festivals  of  the  new  moon 
and  the  weekly  Sabbath  are  entirely  distinct  from  one 
another.  The  Old  Testament  assigns  two  reasons  for 
the  observance  of  the  Sabbath:  (1)  It  was  God's  day 
of  rest;  (2)  Israel  had  been  brought  out  of  Egypt  by  a 
mighty  hand  and  an  outstretched  arm  (Ex.  xx.  11; 
Deut.  V.  15). 

65.  The  Babylonians  reckoned  their  time  according 
to  the  movements  of  the  moon,  and  this,  of  course, 
divided  their  lunar  month  into  four  weeks  of  seven 


THE  GARDEN  OF  EDEN^  87 

days  each,  corresponding  to  the  four  quarters  of  the 
moon.  The  days  also  were  named  after  the  seven 
planetary  deities.  This  number  seven  seems  to  have 
been  held  in  especial  reverence  by  the  Babylonians, 
possibly  because  of  their  high  regard  for  the  seven 
planets  which  had  been  noted  by  astronomers  from 
ancient  times.  The  old  Babylonian  hymns  consecrate 
the  number  seven  in  various  ways.  "Seven  is  the 
number  of  spirits  whose  origin  is  in  the  depths,  who 
know  neither  order  nor  custom,  nor  listen  to  prayers 
and  desires.  Seven  and  twice  seven  is  the  knot  to 
be  tied  by  the  woman  who  sits  by  the  bedside  of  her 
sick  husband  and  conjures  the  evil  spirits."  The 
mythical  serpent  in  the  hymns  has  seven  heads,  and 
the  gates  to  the  underworld  are  seven — all  testifying 
to  the  general  use  and  sacredness  of  the  number  seven 
in  those  primitive  times. 

66.  The  vexed  question  of  the  location  of  the  Gar- 
den of  Eden  is  not  solved  by  the  inscriptions  of  Baby- 
lonia. They  make  frequent  mention  of  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates  rivers,  and,  among  a  list  of  irrigating  canals 
of  that  great  valley,  Prof.  Delitzsch  has  found  two  by 
the  names  of  Guliana  and  Pisanu,  answering  to  the 
requirements  of  the  narrative  (Gen.  ii.  10-14)  in  the 
Old  Testament.  Whether  this  theory  is  true  or  not, 
it  is  practically  agreed  among  Assyriologists,  whose 
study  of  this  valley  has  been  most  thorough,  that 
Eden  was  located  in  primitive  times  somewhere  within 
easy  reach  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  possibly  at  its  head. 


88  THE  CHERUBIM 

The  inscriptions  tell  us  of  a  primitive  sacred  garden, 
in  which  there  was  a  tree  of  life.  This  tree  is  seen  fre- 
quently on  the  seals  of  prominent  personages  of  Baby- 
lon. It  also  appears  among  the  alabaster  reliefs  found 
on  the  wainscoting  of  the  royal  palaces.  Approach  to 
it  seems  to  have  been  limited  to  the  gods  or  to  dis- 
tinguished persons.  Its  fruit  also  contained  qualities 
capable  of  granting  and  maintaining  life  perpetually. 
67.  The  cuneiform  inscriptions  represent  the  cher- 
ubim as  winged  human-headed  bulls  and  lions,  which 
were  set  as  guards  at  the  entrances  to  royal  palaces  and 
public  buildings.  Even  at  the  city's  gates  these  mon- 
ster colossi  stood  on  perpetual  guard  against  the  pos- 
sible incursions  of  evil  spirits.  Ezekiel  (chap.  i.  10 
and  X.  14)  compares  the  face  of  a  cherub  with  that 
of  a  bull.  His  complicated  figure  in  the  first  chapter 
of  his  prophecy  carries  in  it  the  different  elements  of 
these  colossi,  when  he  describes  the  four  faces  as  those 
of  a  man,  a  lion,  an  ox,  and  an  eagle.  Ezekiel's  pres- 
ence in  Babylonia  doubtless  made  him  very  familiar 
with  these  stupendous  guards,  and  caused  him  to  re- 
gard them  as  his  best  symbols  of  majesty  and  power. 
The  cherubim  of  the  Tabernacle  were  set  as  protectors 
of  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  of  the  majesty  of  Jehovah's 
■presence.  The  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  colossi,  or 
cherubim,  were  stationed  as  the  guards  to  royal  pal- 
aces, to  protect  the  majesty  of  the  rulers'  abodes.  Just 
what  the  cherubim  who  guarded  the  entrance  to  Eden 
were,  we  cannot  tell.    But  the  similarity  in  name  and 


A  DELUGE  TABLET 


THE  TEMPTATION  89 

in  office  suggests  some  relation  in  thought  between  the 
guards  at  Eden's  entrance  and  the  great  doorways  to 
the  magnificent  palaces  of  Babylonia- Assyria. 

68.  The  inscriptions  nowhere  describe  in  words  the 
fall  of  man.  This  strange  event  is,  however,  sup- 
posed to  be  implied  in  a  remarkable  seal  cylinder  of 
a  very  primitive  date.  This  cylinder  carries  on  its 
surface  a  peculiar  group  of  figures.  In  the  center  of 
this  group  stands  a  tree,  from  which  there  hangs  fruit. 
On  one  side  of  this  tree  sits  a  man,  and  on  the  other, 
a  woman.  Behind  the  woman,  with  its  head  near 
hers,  is  the  crooked,  crawling  form  of  a  serpent.  Not 
one  word  is  recorded  on  the  seal.  The  group  alone 
tells  the  story.  Most  scholars  suppose  that  this  is  a 
figurative  representation  of  some  tradition  of  the  fall 
of  man  which  was  current  among  the  peoples  of  old 
Babylonia. 

69.  Of  all  the  traditions  handed  down  to  us  through 
the  cuneiform  inscriptions,  the  most  extensive  and 
complete  discovered  thus  far  is  the  Babylonian  ac- 
count of  the  deluge.  A  record  of  this  event  is  found 
in  the  works  of  Josephus  and  Eusebius,  but  in  all  of 
its  details  and  vigor,  the  Babylonian  account  stands 
pre-eminently  next  to  the  biblical  record.  This  nar- 
rative is  found  on  the  eleventh  tablet  of  the  great 
GilgamesTi  epic,  first  discovered  and  translated  by 
George  Smith  of  the  British  Museum  in  1872.  Since 
that  date  several  editions  of  its  text  have  appeared, 
and  also  a  large  number  of  translations  by  scholars  lq 


90      CHALDEAN  STORY  OF  THE  DELUGE 

different  countries.  This  tablet  contains  185  lines, 
some  of  which  are  irrecoverably  broken.  The  story 
which  leads  to  the  recital  of  the  deluge  is  full  of  myth- 
ological interest.  But  we  can  give  simply  some  of  the 
main  facts.  Gilgamesh,  who  is  afflicted  with  a  dread 
disease,  desires  to  consult  his  ancestor,  Pir-napisJitim, 
who  dwelt  far  away,  in  an  immortal  state.  After  one 
month  and  fifteen  days'  sail  on  the  waters  of  death,  he 
reached  that  far-off  land,  and  met  his  ancestor,  and 
prayed  for  his  aid  and  advice.  He  also  asked  him 
(Pir-napishtim)  "how  he  happened  to  be  removed 
alive  to  the  assembly  of  the  gods."  His  great  ances- 
tor's reply  is  found  on  this  eleventh  tablet,  together 
with  advice  as  to  how  Gilgamesh  could  be  restored  to 
health. 

I  shall  give  below  only  some  of  the  most  notable 
parts  of  the  translation  (IV  Kawl.  43) : 

70.  Col.  L: 

Gilgamesh  spake  to  him,  to  Pir-napishtim  the  remote  : 

"  I  look  on  thee,  Pir-napishtim  ; 
Thy  appearance  is  not  changed,  as  I  am,  so  art  thou, 
And  thou  art  not  changed,  as  I  am,  so  art  thou. 

7  Tell  me  (how  it  happened)  that  thou  hast  obtained  life 
in  the  assembly  of  the  gods,  which  thou  didst  covet?  " 
Pir-napishtim  said  to  him,  to  Gilgamesh  : 

*'  I  will  reveal  to  thee,  Gilgamesh,  the  secret, 
10  And  the  oracle  of  the  gods  will  I  tell  thee ; 

The  city  of  Shurippak,  the  city,  thou  knowest,  which 

lies  on  the  bank  of  the  river  Euphrates, 
This  city  was  old,  when  the  gods  within  decided  to  bring 
a  deluge,  even  the  great  gods, 


ALL  ABOARD  THE  SHIP  91 

15  ...    .  their  father  Anu,  their  counselor,  the  hero  Bel, 
their  leader  Adar,  their  chief  the  god  Ennu-gi, 
The  god  of  wisdom,  Ea,  argued  with  them. 
20  Their  decision  he  announced  to  the  country  :  ♦  Country, 
country,  town,  town  ;  country,  town,  understand  : 
Man  of  Shurippak,  son  of  Ubara-Tutu, 
Build  a  house,  construct  a  ship,  rescue  what  thou  canst 

find  of  the  seed  of  life ; 
Leave  behind  thy  property ;  save  (thy)  life. 
25  Bring  the  seed  of  life  of  every  kind  into  the  ship ; 

The  ship  that  thou  shalt  build,  let  her  measurements 

be  determined  upon, 
Her  width  and  her  depth  shall  be  equal  (?)    Then 
launch  her.' 
30  Then  I  understood  and  spake  to  Ea,  my  lord : 

* what  thou  didst  command  will 

I  observe,  and  I  will  do  it.' " 


On  the  following  morning  at  daybreak  I 

The  light  I  feared ; 

all  that  was  necessary  I  collected  ; 

On  the  fifth  day  I  drew  its  design. 

71.  Col.  11. : 

The  lines  which  describe  the  building  of  the  ship 
are  badly  broken.  While  the  work  was  progress- 
ing he  held  a  great  religious  festival  for  the  gods. 
At  its  completion  he  began  to  load  the  ship  for  the 
destructive  floo-^  announced  by  the  assembly  of  the 
gods. 

22  With  everything  that  I  had,  I  filled  it ; 

With  everything  that  I  had  of  silver,  I  filled  it ; 

With  everything  that  I  had  of  gold,  I  filled  it ; 
25  With  everything  that  I  had  of  the  seed  of  life,  I  filled  it. 

I  embarked  with  my  whole  family,  my  servants. 


92  THE  STORM  AND  LANDING 

The  cattle  of  the  field,  the  beasts  of  the  field,  and  the 

workmen,  all  of  them  I  embarked. 
Shamash  set  a  time  limit  (a  sign): 
"  When  he,  who  sends  the  pouring  rain,  in  the  evening, 

pours  out  a  destructive  rain, 
30  Then  enter  the  ship,  and  close  the  ship  (thy  door). 
His  time  limit  was  reached. 
He  who  sends  the  pouring  rain,  in  the  evening,  poured 

out  a  destructive  rain. 
At  the  break  of  day,  I  trembled, 
I  feared  to  see  the  day. 
I  entered  the  ship  and  I  closed  my  door. 
35  The  guidance  of  the  ship  I  gave  to  Buzurshadu-rabu, 

the  sailor, 
The  great  structure,  together  with  its  contents. 

72.  Col.  III.: 

Then  the  violence  of  the  storm  is  described  in 
terrific  terms : 
2  Like  as  an  onslaught  in  battle,  it  fell  upon  the  people, 

4  Even  in  heaven  the  gods  feared  the  deluge ; 
They  withdrew,  went  up  to  the  heaven  of  god  Anu. 
There  the  gods  crouched  down  like  dogs,  on  the  enclosing 
walls  they  sat  down. 

18  Six  days  and  [seven]  nights 

The  storm  raged,  the  flood  and  tempest. 
20  At  the  dawn  of  the  seventh  day,  the  rain,  the  flood  ceased, 

The  storm  which  had  battled  like  an  army  ceased. 

The  waters  of  the  abyss  sank  back,  the  great  storm, 
the  deluge  came  to  an  end. 

I  looked  out  over  the  sea,  crying  aloud. 

But  all  mankind  had  turned  to  earth  (again). 
25  In  place  of  habitations,  everything  had  be(!ome  a  marsh. 

I  opened  an  air-hole,  and  light  fell  upon  my  face^ 

I  sank  back,  and  sat  down,  I  wept. 


THE  TWO  STORIES  COMPARED  93 

My  tears  flowed  down  my  cheeks. 
I  looked  up :  "  The  world  a  wide  ocean  "  ! 
30  On  the  twelfth  (day?)  there  appeared  a  bit  of  land. 
To  mount  Nitsir  the  ship  made  its  way, 
The  mountain  of  the  land  of  Nitsir  held  the  ship  and 

let  it  not  go ; 
One  day,  two  days,  mount  Nitsir  held  the  ship  and  let 

it  not  go, 
The  third  day,  the  fourth  day,  mount  Nitsu:  held  the 

ship  and  let  it  not  go. 
The  fifth  day,  the  sixth  day,  mount  Nitsir  held  the  ship 

and  let  it  not  go. 
The  seventh  day,  at  dawn, 
35  I  sent  out  a  dove ;  she  left,  she  flew  hither  and  thither, 
There  being  no  lighting  place  she  returned ; 
I  sent  out  a  swallow ;  she  left,  she  flew  hither  and  thither, 
There  being  no  lighting  place  she  returned. 
I  let  go  a  raven ;  he  left. 
40  The  raven  went,  and  saw  the  recession  of  the  waters. 
He  ate,  he  waded  about  in  the  mire,  he  did  not  return. 
I  debarked ;  to  the  four  winds  I  presented  an  offering ; 
I  presented  a  libation  upon  the  top  of  the  mountain ; 
Each  time  I  set  seven  vessels, 
45  Into    (!)    them  I  poured  out  calmus,  cedar-wood,  and 

sweet-smelling  lollium ; 
The  gods  smelled  the  savor,  the  gods  smelled  the  sweet 

savor ; 
The  gods  gathered  like  flies  about  the  sacrifice. 

The  remainder  of  the  tradition  is  full  of  interest,  in 
that  it  tells  of  the  final  acts  in  the  consignment  of  Pir- 
napishtim  and  his  wife  to  the  assembly  of  the  gods. 
But  for  a  study  of  the  deluge  story,  pure  and  simple, 
it  has  slight  value. 

73.  In  a  comparison  of  the  two  records,  readers 


94  HOW  EXPLAIN  LIKENESSES? 

must  be  struck  with  their  large  number  of  resem- 
blances. These  are  so  important  that  we  shall  set 
them  down  here  side  by  side.  The  two  accounts  agree 
in  these  points:  (1)  The  building  of  an  ark  (ship); 
(2)  the  preservation  of  the  seed  of  life;  (3)  a  deluge 
of  waters  with  a  great  storm;  (4)  a  landing  on  a  moun- 
tain; (5)  a  sending  out  of  birds;  (6)  an  offering  of  sac- 
rifice upon  landing;  (7)  an  acceptance  of  a  sweet  savor 
by  the  deity  (gods).  These  similarities  give  rise  to  a 
series  of  questions  as  to  their  origins  and  relations. 
"Without  answering  them  at  this  time,  let  us  note  the 
spirit  of  the  two  accounts:  (1)  The  purpose  of  the 
Genesis  deluge  was  to  put  an  end  to  the  sinful  race, 
and  the  decision  was  Jehovah's;  the  Babylonian  rec- 
ord recites  no  purpose,  but  charges  it  all  to  the  caprice 
of  the  god  Bel.  (2)  The  Genesis  account  is  monothe- 
istic, while  the  Babylonian  teems  with  an  active  poly- 
theism. 

74.  The  similarities  noted  in  the  preceding  pages 
between  the  records  of  Genesis  and  the  inscriptions 
call  for  further  thought.  These  are  not  traditions 
peculiar  to  Semitic  peoples  and  religions,  as  growing 
out  of  their  characteristics.  They  are  common  to  all 
civilized  nations  of  antiquity.  They  carry  on  their 
.  faces  the  marks  of  the  civilizations  in  which  they  have 
been  preserved.  Their  common  elements  point  to  a 
time  when  the  human  race  occupied  a  common  home 
and  held  a  common  faith.    The  records  of  Genesis  and 


THE  TRUE  ANSWER  95 

the  inscriptions  give  us  two  forms  of  these  early  tradi- 
tions. 

How,  then,  is  the  similarity  between  Genesis  and 
the  inscriptions  to  be  explained?  There  are  four  an- 
swers sometimes  given  to  this  question :  (1)  The  Gen- 
esis account  is  drawn  from  these  traditions;  (2)  Gen- 
esis is  the  source  of  these  traditions;  (3)  Their  like- 
ness is  attributable  to  like  ways  of  thinking — similar 
traditions  having  spontaneously  arisen  in  different 
parts  of  the  earth  because  of  "the  natural  tendencies 
of  the  human  mind  in  its  evolution  from  a  savage 
state"  (Nadaillac) ;  (4)  "Their  likeness  is  due  to  a 
common  inheritance,  each  handing  on  from  age  to  age 
records  concerning  the  early  history  of  the  race." 

These  theories  are  elaborated  by  Cave,  and  are 
easily  disposed  of  down  to  the  fourth  point.  To  thia 
almost  all  scholars  are  now  turning  as  the  most"  plausi- 
ble solution  of  the  question.  All  religions  are  reduci- 
ble to  a  small  number  of  facts.  These  facts  are  either 
individual  or  common;  of  the  common,  some  are  un- 
doubtedly due  to  the  common  nature  of  man,  but 
others  are  just  as  clearly  explicable  only  as  an  inherit- 
ance. Early  races  of  men,  wherever  they  wandered, 
took  with  them  those  primeval  traditions,  and  with 
the  varying  latitudes  and  climes,  their  habits  and 
modes  of  life,  have  carried  these,  and  present  them  to 
us  to-day  in  their  different  dresses.  One  ancient  reli- 
gion did  not  borrow  these  universal  traditions  from 
another,  but  each  possessed  primitively  these  tradi- 


96        GENESIS  THE  PUREST  RECORD 

tions  in  their  original  form.  A  careful  examination 
of  all  these  traditions  shows  that  the  Genesis  record  is 
the  purest,  the  least  colored  by  extravagances,  and  the 
nearest  to  what  we  must  conceive  to  have  been  the 
original  form  of  these  traditions. 


CHAPTEE  VIII 

THE  PATRIARCHS  UNDER  EASTERN  LIGHTS 

75.  The  student  of  the  Old  Testament  very  early 
confronts  the  question  of  the  dispersion  of  the  human 
family.  Whence  came  the  numerous  peoples?  What 
relations  did  they  sustain  to  each  other?  How  came 
they  to  occupy  the  territories  in  which  they  are  found? 
What  was  their  original  home?  Does  the  evidence  of 
ethnology  point  to  the  unity  of  the  race?  These  and 
a  multitude  of  similar  questions  almost  hedge  in  a 
wide-awake  student  of  the  ancient  Orient. 

Some  of  these  queries  find  their  answers  in  a  de- 
tailed study  of  the  tenth  chapter  of  Genesis.  This 
is  probably  the  oldest  ethnological  table  in  existence. 
(The  portrait  gallery  of  Eekh-ma-ra,  in  a  tomb  at 
Thebes,  is  the  oldest  ethnological  record  of  its  kind.) 
This  tenth  chapter  of  Genesis  does  not  describe  the 
characteristics  of  the  races,  but  simply  locates  several 
of  them — that  were  familiar  to  the  writer — geograph- 
ically. The  recognition  of  this  geographical  element 
is  necessary  to  the  understanding  of  some  of  the  pe- 
culiar combinations  of  this  table.  When  we  read  that 
"Canaan  begat  Zidon  his  first-born,  and  Heth,"  does 
it  mean  more  than  that  the  two  occupied  adjacent 

97 


98  THE  TABLE  OP  NATIONS 

territory  in  Canaan?  When  Elam  and  Asshur  are 
called  the  children  of  Shem,  is  the  explanation  found 
in  the  proximity  of  their  lands?  In  this  table,  the 
three  sons  of  Noah  are  each  assigned  to  a  particular 
settlement;  Japhet  occupies  the  north,  Ham  the 
south,  and  Shem  the  center.  The  cities  and  peoples 
in  these  particular  regions  are  apparently  regarded  as 
the  children  of  those  great  ancestors.  The  territory 
occupied  by  these  peoples,  so-called  descendants  of 
three  great  ancestors,  formed  almost  a  square.  On  the 
north  we  find  the  limits  at  the  Caspian  Sea,  Black 
Sea,  and  Mediterranean  Sea;  on  the  south,  the  high- 
lands of  Ab3^ssinia  and  the  Indian  Ocean;  on  the 
east,  the  mountains  of  Media  and  Elam;  on  the  west, 
the  Mediterranean  Sea  and  the  Lybian  and  Sahara 
deserts.  The  above  territories  combined  give  us  the 
whole  of  the  primitive  civilized  portions  of  the  earth, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  China. 

This  is  no  place  to  present  a  statistical  table  of  these 
names,  but  there  is  no  part  of  the  Old  Testament 
upon  which  the  monuments  have  thrown  more  light 
than  upon  this  same  tenth  chapter  of  Genesis.  It 
shows  us  that  the  names  are  arranged  ethnograph- 
ically,  and  present  the  chief  settlements  of  the  de- 
scendants of  the  sons  of  Noah.  Out  of  this  formerly 
mysterious  list  of  proper  names,  the  inscriptions  verify 
the  accuracy  of  more  than  thirty,  by  indicating  both 
places  and  peoples.  The  inscriptions  both  of  Egypt 
and  of  Mesopotamia  also  corroborate  in  many  par- 


UR  OP  THE  CHALDEES  99 

ticulars  the  statements  of  this  chapter.  In  a  word 
this  table  is  a  limited  bird's-eye  view  of  ancient  na- 
tions, a  word-map  of  ancient  geography. 

76.  The  home  of  the  nativity  of  Abraham  was  long 
a  lost  city.  The  excavations  of  Mr.  Taylor,  in  1854, 
and  the  discovery  by  Major  Eawlinson  of  important 
historical  documents,  have  settled  beyond  reasonable 
dispute  the  location  of  Ur  of  the  Chaldees.  It  stood 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Euphrates  River,  on  a  spot 
now  occupied  by  the  mounds  of  Mugheir.  It  was 
originally  a  port  on  the  Persian  Gulf,  but  the  mounds 
now  representing  its  ancient  site  stand  nearly  150 
miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates.  This  great 
distance  between  its  old  site  and  the  present  head- 
waters of  the  gulf  are  due,  according  to  geologists,  to 
the  abundant  deposits  of  alluvia  made  by  the  river 
during  the  past  four  thousand  years.  The  inscrip- 
tions discovered  give  a  list  of  kings  who  ruled  over 
this  territory  before  Babylon  came  to  prominence,  or 
became  a  capital.  Ur  was  presided  over  by  the  moon- 
god,  Sin,  who  was  likewise  the  patron  deity  of  Harran. 
The  family  of  Abram's  father,  in  its  migration  west- 
ward, made  an  important  stop  at  this  city.  It  was 
located  near  the  great  western  bend  in  the  Euphrates 
and  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  the 
northwest  territory.  It  stood  on  the  great  highway  of 
commerce  between  the  East  and  the  West,  and  served 
as  a  kind  of  board  of  trade.  Its  name,  Harran  (harra- 
nu)y  means  "road,"  "way."    It  was  also  a  cosmopoli- 


100  ABRAM  IN  EGYPT 

tan  city,  for  to  this  place  came  all  the  nations  for  gain 
and  trade. 

77.  Abram's  sojourn  in  Canaan  was  cut  short  by 
a  famine,  which  drove  him  to  the  storehouses  of 
Egypt.  His  appearance  in  this  country  was  so  re- 
markable that  he  was  reported  to  the  Pharaoh.  In 
rapid  succession  we  have  records  of  the  lying  of 
Abram,  the  seizure  of  Sarah,  and  the  plagues  upon 
the  royal  house.  After  the  discovery  of  the  real  facts 
in  the  case,  this  foreigner  is  treated  with  astounding 
consideration.  For  his  deception  of  the  king  he  is 
not  slain,  tortured,  imprisoned,  or  even  fined,  but  sent 
on  his  way  with  a  royal  guard.  What  strange  and 
distinguished  treatment  at  the  hands  of  a  foreign  po- 
tentate! Let  us  take  a  glance  at  the  political  status 
of  Egypt  at  this  time.  Egypt  had  already  had  about 
three  thousand  years  of  history  (Petrie  puts  the  first 
dynasty  at  4777  B.  C,  Meyer  at  3180  B.  C).  The  old 
kingdom  covered  the  first  six  dynasties  (4777-3410 
B.  C).  The  middle  kingdom  embraced  dynasties  XI- 
XIII  (2985-2565).  The  new  kingdom  included  dy- 
nasties XVIII-XX  (1587-1240  B.  G.  [Mahler]);  and 
the  foreign-domination  dynasties  XXII-XXV  (930- 
728  B.  C).  Of  the  omitted  dynasties  little  or  nothing 
is  known.  The  large  gap  between  dynasties  XIII  and 
XVIII  was  probably  occupied  by  the  domination  of 
foreigners  from  Asia.  These  invaders  were  either  of 
Semitic  or  Hittite  blood.  For  long  centuries,  prob- 
ably five  or  more,  they  held  with  a  firm  grasp  the 


c  y. 


o  W 


<;  2 


H    2 


o  =* 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OP  GEN.   XIV  101 

scepter  of  Egypt.  If  Abram  came  to  the  borders  of 
this  land  while  under  their  sway,  he  was  a  sojourner 
in  a  land  ruled  by  his  own  blood-relation.  If  this  were 
the  case  he  would,  of  course,  be  the  object  of  kind  and 
considerate  attentions. 

78.  The  fourteenth  chapter  of  Genesis  has  been 
under  fire  for  a  score  or  more  of  years.     Its  supposed 
antiquity  has  brought  against  it  denials  of  its  histo- 
ricity.    It  has  been  maintained  that  it  originated  with 
the  desire  of  magnifying  the  martial  valor  of  Abram, 
and  of  explaining  the  origin  of  Melchizedek;  and  that 
the  story  of  these  great  military  campaigns  was  noth- 
ing more  nor  less  than  a  piece  of  fiction.    These  denials 
have  been  based  upon  the  theory  that  the  events  here 
described  are  located  in  prehistoric  times.     But  light 
from  the  East  has  utterly  dissipated  this  mist.     We 
are  now  apprised  of  the  fact  that  the  armies  of  Baby- 
lonia were  doing  no  new  thing  when  they  set  out  to 
make  a  second  conquest  of   the  kings  of  the  West. 
They  were  simply  following  the  precedent  and  polit- 
ical policy  of  their  distinguished  predecessors.    Sargon 
I   (about  3800  B.  C.)  and  Naram-Sin,  his  son,  had 
already,  centuries  before,  made  expeditions  into  the 
great  West-land,  the  former  having  crossed  over  to 
the  Island  of  Cyprus.    A  distinct  evidence  in  the  in- 
scriptions of  the  veracity  of  this  chapter  is  found  in 
the  character  of  the  proper  names.     Chedorlaomer 
contains  two  Elamitic  elements.    Kudur  is  the  general 
Elamite  title,  as  Pharaoh  in  Egypt,  Abimelech  in  Phi- 


102  JOSEPH  CARRIED  TO  EGYPT 

listia,  for  king.  It  is  found  in  a  cuneiform  name, 
Kudur-Mabug.  The  second  element  is  Lagamar,  the 
name  of  an  Elamite  deity.  Larsa  is  represented  in 
the  mound  Senkereh,  east  of  Erech.  Tidal  is  Turgal 
in  the  Septuagint,  while  Goyim  (nations),  according  to 
Major  Eawlinson,  should  be  read  Gutium,  a  country 
stretching  from  Mesopotamia  northward  to  the 
mountains  of  Kurdistan,  within  which  at  later  times 
the  kingdom  of  Assyria  arose.  Other  attempted 
identifications  do  not  discredit  the  facts  already 
stated.  So  that  the  testimony  of  the  monuments  is 
to  the  effect  that  this  chapter  is  not  to  be  regarded 
in  any  sense  as  a  bit  of  fiction,  but  as  a  genuine  scrap 
of  a  record  of  a  veritable  old  western  campaign  of  the 
allied  kings  of  Mesopotamia. 

79.  When  was  Joseph  carried  captive  as  a  slave  into 
Egypt?  Many  eminent  Egyptologists  think  that  the 
lad  Joseph  was  brought  down  through  the  fortified 
frontier  of  Egypt,  and  sold  to  Potiphar,  an  Egyptian 
in  Egypt,  while  the  sovereign  and  royal  court  was  in 
the  hands  of  foreigners.  It  is  also  thought  that  these 
foreigners  were  the  Hyksos  from  Asia.  It  is  signifi- 
cant that  the  first  Hyksos  ruler  was  called  Salatis, 
Aramaic  Shallit,  and  that  Joseph  was  called  in  Gen. 
xlii.6  Tiash-shallit,  and  that  many  centuries  afterward 
the  Assyrians  named  the  Pharaoh  shiUanu,  that  is, 
eultan.  Joseph's  position  with  a  high  officer  at  court 
gave  him  exceptional  opportunities  to  gain  a  knowl- 
edge of  Egyptian  life  and  customs.    As  the  trusted 


JOSEPH  IMPRISONED  IN  EGYPT  103 

overseer  of  Potiphar's  house,  he  had  charge  of  a 
characteristic  Egyptian  institution.  In  this  respon- 
sible position  he  was  basely  slandered  by  his  master's 
wife.  There  is  a  wonderful  Egyptian  tale,  called 
"Story  of  the  Two  Brothers,"  which  may  be  either  an 
echo  of  this  incident  or  based  upon  it.  Its  similarity 
to  the  account  of  Joseph's  experience  in  Potiphar's 
house  is  so  remarkable  that  the  conclusion  forces  itself 
upon  one  that  there  must  have  been  some  connection 
between  the  two  stories. 

Joseph  was  thus  slandered  into  the  royal  prison, 
where  the  chief  of  the  guard  would  reside.  Here  he 
made  the  acquaintance  of  two  other  prisoners  of  high 
authority.  The  distinguished  ex-officials  dream 
dreams,  and,  as  all  Egyptians,  attached  great  impor- 
tance to  their  interpretation.  The  form  and  dress  of 
those  dreams  are  thoroughly  Egyptian,  locating  the 
events  beyond  dispute  within  the  border-lines  of 
Egjrpt.  The  subsequent  dream  of  Pharaoh,  with  its 
Nile  River,  its  kine  pastured  on  its  banks,  its  grain, 
and  its  sacred  seven,  are  significantly  Egyptian.  Even 
some  of  the  words  embodied  in  the  Hebrew  records 
are  Egyptian.  The  duty  of  the  chief  butler  was  that 
of  pressing  the  juice  out  of  the  ripe  bunches  of  grapes 
in  the  presence  of  the  Pharaoh.  This  especial  bev- 
erage is  noted  on  the  monuments  as  one  of  the  chief 
offerings.  The  chief  baker  was  beheaded  in  accord- 
ance with  an  Egyptian  custom.  At  a  later  date  Amen- 
ophis  II  decapitated  several  Syrian  kings  and  hung 


104  JOSEPH  A  PRIME-MINISTER 

up  their  bodies  on  his  galley,  and  afterward  on  his 
fortress. 

80.  Joseph^s  skill  in  interpreting  the  dreams  of 
those  two  imprisoned  officials  brought  him  to  the  at- 
tention of  the  king.  The  fact  that  Joseph  shaved 
himself  before  appearing  in  the  presence  of  the  great 
ruler  betrays  the  Egyptian  origin  of  the  story;  fortius 
custom  has  always  been  abhorred  by  Semitic  peoples. 
It  is  now  known,  however,  that  even  the  Hyksos  kings 
maintained  this  Egyptian  ceremonial  at  court.  The 
acuteness  of  Joseph's  interpretations  won  for  him  the 
favor  of  the  king.  In  accordance  with  known  Egyp- 
tian court  proceedings,  he  is  formally  installed  as 
prime  minister  over  Egypt.  The  seal-ring  or  signet 
was  a  stone  or  flat  surface  of  gold,  engraved  for  stamp- 
ing upon  soft  material.  These  Egyptian  rings  are 
the  most  rare  and  beautiful  jewels  found  in  our  mu- 
seums of  this  day.  Mr.  Tomkins  calls  attention  to 
one  in  the  collection  of  M.  Allemant.  It  is  of  black 
jasper,  graven  in  intaglio  on  both  sides.  On  the  front 
there  is  a  winged  serpent  and  two  Semitic  signs;  on 
the  back  a  Hebrew  inscription,  dating  from  the  epoch 
of  the  Shepherd-Kings,  XVIIth  dynasty.  This  is  a 
most  important  witness  to  the  presence  of  Semitic 
influences  in  Egypt  in  those  early  days.  Tomkins 
quotes  de  Eouge's  description  of  Antef,  prime  min- 
ister ("First  Deputy  of  the  King").  Joseph's  author- 
ity seems  to  be  paralleled  by  that  conferred  on  this 
prime  minister.     He  was  called  the  "functionary  of 


JOSEPH'S  AUTHORITY  105 

the  signet  .  .  .  chief  of  the  chiefs,  .  . 
alone  in  the  multitude,  he  bears  tlie  word  to  men ;  he 
declares  all  affairs  in  the  double  Egypt ;  he  speaks  on 
all  matters  in  the  place  of  secret  counsel.  When  he 
enters  he  is  applauded,  when  he  issues  forth  he  is 
praised.  .  .  .  The  princes  hold  themselves  at- 
tentive to  his  mouth,  ...  all  his  words  come  to 
pass  without  (resistance),  like  that  which  issues  from 
the  mouth  of  God.'^ 

81.  The  collar  of  gold  with  which  Joseph  was  deco- 
rated was  one  of  the  marks  of  distinction  among  Egyp- 
tian officials.  He  was  also  to  ride  in  the  second  royal 
chariot  of  the  king,  and  in  his  progress  through  the 
land  a  word,  a&re^,  whose  explanation  is  still  a  mystery, 
was  to  be  called  out  before  him.  Clothed  with  regal 
authority  and  power,  Joseph  became  the  administrator 
of  the  kingdom  of  Egypt.  Whether  this  could  have 
taken  place  under  any  Egyptian  monarch  is  not 
known;  but  it  is  eminently  plausible  that  a  foreign 
Semite  could  have  been  promoted  to  the  position  of 
prime  minister,  if  the  ruling  sovereigns  were  Asiatics 
and  Semites,  as  the  Hyksos  probably  were. 

The  dignity  of  Joseph,  as  well  as  his  authority  in 
office,  was  guaranteed  by  the  Pharaoh  securing  for 
him  a  wife  of  high  rank.  She  was  the  daughter  of 
the  high-priest  of  On.  This  official  was  the  most 
influential  of  the  religious  characters  of  the  land. 
Joseph's  intimate  relations  with  this  house  would  in- 
sure friendly  cooperation  between  the  ruling  and  the 


106  JOSEPH'S  OPPORTUNITY 

ritual  classes.  Thus  armed  with  authority  by  the 
royal  house,  and  protected  by  an  alliance  with  the 
priestly  house,  and  guided  by  a  wonderful  Providence, 
Joseph  had  every  advantage  in  his  favor  for  consum- 
mating a  great  work  for  the  Egyptians. 


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CHAPTER  IX 

ISRAEL  UNDER  THE  GLOW  OF  EGYPT 

82.  Joseph's  promotion  to  prime  minister  of  Egypt 
was  made  in  face  of  the  famine  which  he  had  pre- 
dicted to  the  Pharaoh.  Periods  of  distress  of  this 
kind  had  occurred  by  the  failure  of  the  annual  rise 
of  the  Mle,  from  prehistoric  times.  Rulers  in  the 
past  had  made  especial  mention  of  the  fact  that  their 
foresight  had  provided  storehouses  for  grain,  so  that 
in  the  event  of  a  famine  their  subjects  might  not  be 
reduced  to  a  state  of  starvation.  The  monuments 
already  discovered  make  several  references  to 
droughts  of  widespread  prevalence.  One,  at  least, 
describes  seven  years  of  famine  of  great  severity, 
during  which  even  the  king  on  the  throne  is  grief- 
stricken  at  the  distress  all  about  him;  the  great  mis- 
fortune is  charged  to  the  failure  of  the  Nile-flood  for 
seven  years. 

83.  But  there  is  a  record  of  one  famine  which 
many,  among  them  Brugsch,  have  identified  with  the 
time  of  Joseph.  In  a  tomb  at  El-Kab,  an  inscription 
of  the  governor,  named  Baba,  states  that  he,  in  the 
great  famine  which  came  upon  his  people,  dealt  out  to 
them  grain  which  he  had  stored  away  in  times  of 

107 


108  ISRAEL  SETTLED  IN  GOSHEN 

plenty.  Brugsch  says,  Baba  "lived  about  the  time 
that  Joseph  exercised  his  office,  under  one  of  the 
Hyksos  kings,  lived  and  worked  under  the  native 
king  Ea-Sekenem  Taa  III  in  the  old  town  of  El- 
Kab.  The  only  just  conclusion  is  that  the  many  years 
of  famine  in  the  time  of  Baba  must  precisely  cor- 
respond with  the  seven  years  of  famine  under  Joseph's 
Pharaoh,  one  of  the  Shepherd-Kings."  Baba  says, 
"when  a  famine  arose,  lasting  many  years,  I  issued 
corn  to  the  city  each  year  of  the  famine."  A  famine 
of  long  duration  at  El-Kab  would  have  reached  the 
adjoining  lands,  and  even  the  fruitful  delta.  The 
identity  of  the  age  of  Baba  and  of  Joseph  is  conceded 
by  many.  The  severity  seems  also  to  have  gone  be- 
yond the  boundaries  of  the  Nile-lands,  if  the  biblical 
narrative  is  allowed  to  add  its  testimony. 

84.  It  was  just  this  kind  of  event  that  drove 
Joseph's  brethren  to  the  storehouses  of  Egjrpt  for 
food.  "Besides,"  says  Prof.  Sayce,  "under  the  Hyksos 
Pharaohs  of  Zoan  intercourse  between  Egypt  and  Ca- 
naan would  have  been  easy  and  constant.  No  preju- 
dice would  have  been  felt  against  Hebrew  strangers 
by  those  who  were  themselves  strangers  in  the  land. 
"The  Pharaoh  and  his  'ministers'  would  have  had  no 
hesitation  in  granting  the  land  of  Goshen  to  a  pastoral 
tribe  from  Asia.  They  would  have  seen  in  them 
friends  rather  than  enemies,  and  possible  allies  against 
the  conquered  Egyptians."  The  location  of  the  land 
of  Goshen,  between  the  delta  and  the  Asiatic  frontier, 


TIME  OP  JOSEPH'S  ACTIVITY  109 

would  have  given  these  Israelites  the  advantage  of 
proximity  to  a  border-line,  if  for  any  reason  they  de- 
sired to  return  to  their  former  home.  It  was  also  a 
territory  adapted  rather  for  grazing  than  for  raising 
the  fruits,  cereals,  and  vegetables  of  Egypt.  The  Is- 
raelites were  also  sufficiently  isolated  to  allow  them  to 
enjoy  the  tribal  life  peculiar  to  wandering  shepherds, 
and  if  necessity  demanded,  to  go  to  the  aid  of  their 
Hyksos  benefactors.  Israel  was  thus  given  a  choice 
bit  of  Egypt  for  her  occupation,  with  all  of  the  ad- 
vantages of  location  and  of  character  of  the  country 
necessary  for  normal  growth. 

85.  It  seems  most  probable  that  the  events  of 
Joseph's  life  and  the  settlement  of  his  kin  in  Egypt's 
land  took  place  during  Hyksos  supremacy,  otherwise 
we  should  not  expect  to  have  seen  such  benevolent 
consideration  of  their  interests  at  the  hands  of  the 
ruling  power.  "There  seems  to  have  been  but  one 
other  period  of  history  where  these  events  could  have 
taken  place,  and  that  was  during  the  reign  of  the  last 
two  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty."  But  all  things 
considered,  the  statements  of  early  historians,  the  time 
necessary  for  the  growth  of  Israel,  and  known  facts  of 
the  periods,  the  events  of  Joseph's  career  and  of  Isra- 
el's settlement  in  Goshen  are  most  appropriately 
found  in  the  last  dynasty  of  Hyksos  domination,  or 
according  to  Prof.  Mahler's  estimate,  before  1590 
B.C. 

86.  The  struggles  for  supremacy  of  the  old  Egyp- 


110  CONQUESTS  OP  THOTHMES  IH 

tian  power  finally  succeeded  in  the  expulsion  of  the 
Hyksos  rulers.  They  were  driven  back  across  the 
frontier  into  Asia,  and  the  throne  was  again  occupied 
by  an  Eg}^tian  monarch.  This  beginning  of  the 
XVIIIth  dynasty  was  marked  by  a  reversal  of  the 
establishments  of  the  Hyksos  supremacy.  Very  soon 
the  new  occupants  of  the  throne  began  to  drive  far 
into  Asia  their  old  oppressors.  After  routing  on  the 
plain  of  Megiddo  the  combined  armies  of  the  Hittites 
and  Phoenicians,  Thothmes  III  pushed  his  arms  on- 
wards and  upwards  through  the  Lebanon  mountains 
to  the  plains  of  Hamath.  The  shock  of  his  battles 
shattered  the  armies  of  those  Asiatic  nations  as  far 
as  the  Tigris  river  and  the  mountains  of  Elam.  So 
successful  and  revolutionary  was  he  in  his  aggressive- 
ness that  modern  historians  have  named  him  "The 
Alexander  the  Great  of  Egypt.'^  On  his  triumphal  re- 
turn to  the  Nile-land,  he  recorded  on  the  temple  walls 
of  Karnak  a  list  of  355  cities  that  he  had  captured.  Of 
these  120  were  in  the  countries  located  on  the  east 
coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Among  these  we  find 
the  familiar  names  of  Gibeah,  Ophrah,  Shunem, 
Chinneroth,  Hazor,  Joppa,  Heshbon,  Megiddo,  Ha- 
math, and  Damascus. 

87.  But  these  conquests  in  Asia  became  remotely 
the  cause  of  the  downfall  of  this  XVIIIth  dynasty. 
The  friendly  relations  which  he  had  established  with 
the  Asiatic  peoples  culminated  within  about  a  score 
of  years  after  his  death  in  a  royal  marriage.     His 


TEL  EL-AMARNA  LETTERS  111 

great-grandson  Amenophis  III  took  to  wife  a  sister 
of  the  Babylonian  king,  and  thus  furnished  a  basis 
for  perpetual  amity  between  the  leading  political 
powers  of  those  eventful  days.  Amenophis  IV, 
his  son,  a  half- Asiatic  by  descent,  returned  to  the 
home-land  of  his  mother,  and,  as  his  father  had  done, 
secured  a  beautiful  Asiatic  princess  as  a  wife.  This 
young  king  became  so  infatuated  with  the  Semitic  re- 
ligion of  his  mother  and  wife  that  he  transplanted  it 
to  Egypt,  and  set  up  at  various  places  its  altars  and 
shrines. 

88.  This  period  of  Egyptian  history  has  been  won- 
derfully opened  up  by  the  discovery  of  the  Tel  el- 
Amarna  letters  in  1887.  These  clay  documents  have 
proved  to  have  been  letters  sent  by  various  rulers, 
kings,  governors,  and  other  men  in  authority  in  west- 
ern Asia  to  the  above-mentioned  kings  of  Egypt. 
These  official  and  unofficial  communications  reveal 
the  political  and  social  conditions  prevalent  in  these 
Asiatic  dependencies  in  the  latter  days  of  the  XVIIIth 
dynasty.  They  are  written  for  the  large  part,  strange- 
ly enough,  in  the  cuneiform  language,  the  language 
of  Babylonia.  Among  other  places  they  hail  from 
Gezer,  Ashkelon,  Jerusalem,  Byblos,  Tyre,  Accho, 
from  the  people  of  Tunip,  of  Arkata;  and  from  such 
individuals  as  Aziru,  Shubandi;  from  Mitanni,  from 
the  king  of  Mitanni  to  Amenophis  III;  from  the  king 
of  Mitanni  to  the  wife  of  Amenophis  III;  from  Ali- 
shaya,  in  upper  Mesopotamia,  to  Amenophis  III; 


112  DOWNFALL  OF  XVIHTH  DYNASTY 

from  Burraburyash,  king  of  Babylonia,  to  Amenophis 
IV.  They  are  just  so  many  flash-lights  thrown  into 
the  Asiatic  possessions  of  these  later  kings  of  the  great 
XVIIIth  dynasty.  The  political  disturbances  which 
agitated  these  provincial  boundaries  glisten  with  great 
brilliancy.  We  discover  in  this  fifteenth  century  as- 
tounding political,  social  and  commercial  activity  in 
western  Asia,  and  a  method  of  international  com- 
munication which  revolutionizes  all  of  our  previous 
ideas  of  those  early  days.  These  marvelous  clay  let- 
ters, written  in  the  cuneiform  character,  also  show 
how  potent  Babylonian  influence  had  become  even  to 
the  borders  of  the  Nile-lands. 

89.  But  these  friendly  relations  with  western  Asia, 
as  reflected  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters,  introduced 
into  Egypt  elements  of  disintegration.  The  domestic 
ties  initiated  by  Amenophis  III  and  IV,  brought 
again  into  power  peoples  from  Asia,  and  established 
in  the  sacred  precincts  of  Egypt  a  foreign  religion. 
Amenophis  IV  finally  adopted  as  his  form  of  worship 
that  of  the  sun-god,  a  Semitic  deity  of  Western  Asia. 
The  old  hatred  for  the  Hyksos  was  aroused,  and  he 
withdrew  from  the  sacred  city  of  Thebes.  At  the 
modern  Tel  el-Amarna  he  set  up  his  shrines,  his  wor- 
ship of  Semitic  deities,  as  against  the  state  religion 
of  Egypt,  which  was  sacredly  guarded  by  the  priest- 
hood of  the  land.  This  heresy  in  the  king  of  the  land 
could  not  be  long  endured,  and  finally,  through  the 
letters  from  Tel  el-Amarna,  we  learn  that  civil  war 


A  TEL  EL-AMARNA  TABLET 

A   LETTER  FR03I   ABIMEI.ECH   OF   TYRP  To  THE   KING  OF   EGYPT 


RISE  OF  THE  XIXTH  DYNASTY  113 

was  breaking  out,  that  enemies  from  the  north,  the 
Hittites,  were  advancing,  and  that  general  dissolution 
of  the  empire  was  in  progress.  In  the  midst  of  this 
storm  of  protest,  of  secession,  and  of  aggression, 
Amenophis  IV,  or  Ehu-n-Aten,  died.  But  his  sep- 
ulchre was  profaned,  his  mummy  rent  in  pieces,  and 
his  sacrilegious  city  destroyed.  Asiatics  who  were  im- 
plicated in  this  heretical  propagandism  were  forced  to 
flee  for  their  lives,  or  suffer  the  penalty  by  death. 
This  chaotic  condition  of  affairs  ceased  only  at  the 
rise  of  a  new  house,  a  new  dynasty,  the  Nineteenth. 
90.  This  new  house  adopted  a  new  policy  of  exclu- 
sion in  their  motto,  "Egypt  for  the  Egyptians."  The 
early  kings  were  Rameses  I  and  his  son,  Seti  I.  Their 
reigns  were  short  and  uneventful,  except  that  Seti 
carried  his  arms  into  Asia  and  established  his  suprem- 
acy on  the  east  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  But 
the  accession  of  his  son,  Eameses  II,  marked  the  be- 
ginning of  a  new  era  for  this  dynasty  and  for  Egypt. 
This  young  king  was  fired  with  the  ambition  of  his 
great  predecessor  on  the  throne  of  Egypt,  Thothmes 
III.  With  consummate  skill  he  not  only  conquered 
most  of  the  Syrian  territory  of  that  great  monarch,  but 
thoroughly  organized  it  into  a  strong  empire.  Up  the 
Nile  he  pursued  the  enemy  and  made  subjects  as  far 
as  the  second  cataract.  In  his  Asiatic  campaigns, 
however,  he  soon  met  a  strong  rival  in  the  forces  of 
the  Hittites.  They,  by  strategy,  in  one  notable  battle, 
surrounded  Eameses  in  his  chariot  and  put  his  army 


114  ACTIVITY  OP  RAMESES  II 

beyond  his  aid.  In  a  pathetic  and  desperate  appeal 
to  the  gods,  he  is  given  supernatural  help,  and  hero- 
ically cuts  his  way  through  their  ranks  to  freedom. 
This  close  and  almost  fatal  battle  forms  the  basis  of 
that  finest  epic  in  the  Egyptian  language,  "the  Poem 
of  Pentaur."  The  apparent  result  of  this  clash  with 
the  Hittites  was  a  drawn  battle.  Eameses  II  offered 
terms  of  peace.  These  terms  were  agreed  upon,  and 
formed  the  basis  of  a  treaty.  This  document,  duly 
executed  and  signed,  is  to-day  almost  a  model  of  its 
kind.  It  was  ratified  by  a  visit  of  the  Hittite  prince 
to  Eg}^t  in  his  national  costume,  and  by  the  marriage 
of  his  daughter  to  Eameses  II  in  the  thirty-fourth 
year  of  his  reign.  This  is  the  most  remarkable  treaty 
on  record  from  early  times.  Among  many  other  pro- 
visions, it  arranged  for  extradition  in  the  case  of  ab- 
sconding thieves,  robbers,  or  slaves.  It  also  formed  an 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance  between  the  treaty 
powers. 

91.  While  Eameses  II  was  extending  his  bounda- 
ries he  was  active  in  building  canals,  storehouses,  pal- 
aces, and  temples.  He  surpassed  all  the  kings  of 
Egypt  in  his  building  activities.  Of  the  thirty-two 
obelisks  in  Egypt,  he  is  said  to  have  erected  in  whole 
or  in  part  twenty-one.  Of  the  eight  ruined  temples 
in  Thebes,  he  built  in  whole  or  in  part,  seven.  His 
activity  in  this  direction  led  him  to  erase  from  former 
temples  and  other  monuments  the  names  of  his  pred- 
ecessors,   and   in   their   places   to    order    his    own 


ISRAEL  DURING  XVniTH  DYNASTY  115 

inscribed.  His  generalship  is  displayed  in  the  equip- 
ment and  government  of  a  large  standing  army,  with 
which  he  protected  the  home  empire,  garrisoned  his 
foreign  provinces,  and  made  aggressions  into  new  ter- 
ritory. 

92.  During  the  troublous,  prosperous,  and  finally 
calamitous  times  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty,  Israel  occu- 
pied the  land  of  Goshen,  which  had  been  assigned 
them  under  the  direction  of  the  Pharaoh  of  Joseph's 
premiership.  Here,  presumably,  they  enjoyed  their 
liberties  undisturbed.  They  mingled  freely  with 
Phoenician  traders  of  the  coast  lands,  and  with  for- 
eigners who  came  in  from  the  East.  From  a  couple 
of  hints  in  1  Chronicles  (vii.  21,  22,  24),  it  seems 
that  some  of  them  had  wandered  back  either  as  set- 
tlers or  as  adventurers  to  the  land  of  the  patriarchs, 
to  Canaan.  They  doubtless  rendered  submission  as 
subjects  of  the  reigning  king,  while  peacefully  carry- 
ing on  their  occupations  as  shepherds  and  farmers. 
The  monuments  of  lower  Egypt  say  little  of  the  reigns 
of  any  kings  from  the  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos  to  the 
reign  of  the  successor  of  Seti  I,  Rameses  II.  Israel 
had  thriven  and  multiplied  in  the  land,  and  counted 
themselves  as  part  of  its  permanent  population.  But 
the  revulsion  of  feeling  against  "the  heretic  king'* 
and  everything  Semitic  which  overthrew  the  XVIIIth 
dynasty,  took  form  in  a  "king  who  knew  not  Joseph." 
This  is  supposed  to  be  either  the  first  or  one  of  the 
earlier  kings  of  the  XlXth  dynasty.     For  at  Moses' 


116  THE  PHARAOH   OF  THE  OPPRESSION 

birth  the  oppression  had  crystallized  in  a  decree  for 
the  murder  of  all  male  children.  Eescued  from  this 
slaughter  of  the  innocents,  Moses  was  reared  and 
instructed  for  forty  years  at  the  Egyptian  court,  and 
forty  years  in  the  desert,  being  about  eighty  years  of 
age  at  the  exodus.  This  gives  us,  at  least,  eighty  years 
of  oppression. 

93.  But  the  question  eagerly  asked  by  all  Bible  stu- 
dents is,  who  was  the  Pharaoh  of  the  oppression? 
This  question  is  now  laid  to  rest  by  the  excavation,  in 
1883,  of  Edouard  Naville,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Exploration  Fund,  within  the  old  territory  of  Goshen. 
The  numerous  inscriptions  and  antiquities  brought  to 
light  at  Tel  el-Maskhuta  show  that  this  place  was  the 
ancient  city  Pithom,  whose  Hebrew  name  was  Suc- 
coth;  and  further  that  the  founder  of  this  city  was 
the  great  Rameses  II.  In  Grecian  times  this  city  was 
called  Heroopolis  or  Ero,  the  Eg3rptian  word  for  store- 
house, suggesting  that  Pithom  and  Raamses  (Ex. 
i.  11),  which  Israel  built  for  Pharaoh,  were  treasure- 
cities.  At  this  place,  ISTaville  discovered  even  the 
treasure-chambers  themselves.  They  were  strongly 
built  and  separated  by  brick  partitions  from  eight  to 
ten  feet  thick.  The  bricks,  half  sun-baked,  were 
made,  some  with  and  some  without  straw.  These 
storehouses  were  means  adopted  by  the  Pharaoh,  Ram- 
eses II,  to  provide  for  his  people  in  the  event  of  a 
foreign  invasion,  or  of  a  famine,  such  as  had  often 
visited  this  land.    These  precautions  served  to  make 


THE  PHARAOH  OP  THE  EXODUS       117 

Rameses'  kingdom  independent  of  his  neighbors. 
These  cities  of  Pithom  and  Raamses  accord  with  the 
demands  of  the  scripture  narrative.  The  storehouses 
occupy  in  Pithom  almost  the  whole  area  of  the  city, 
the  walls  of  which  are  about  650  feet  square  and 
twenty-two  feet  thick.  The  strawless  bricks  in  these 
walls  almost  re-echo  the  rigor  of  Pharaoh's  words, 
when  he  said,  "Ye  shall  no  more  give  the  people 
straw"  (Ex.  vi.  17),  but  demanded  the  former  tale  of 
bricks.  About  these  old  walls  we  can  see  and  handle 
some  of  the  handiwork  of  the  Hebrew  slaves.  Could 
those  old  ruins  but  speak,  what  tales  of  hard  task- 
masters, of  bloody  lashings,  of  exhaustion  and  distress 
would  they  reveal  to  us!  The  bondage  of  Israel  in 
all  kinds  of  hard  and  bitter  service,  aroused  even  to  a 
murderous  deed  the  court-educated  youth  Moses. 

94.  If  Rameses  II  was  the  Pharaoh  of  the  oppres- 
sion, who  was  the  Pharaoh  of  the  exodus?  Rameses 
II  ruled  sixty-seven  years,  and  ruled  in  the  latter  half 
of  his  days  with  a  master's  hand.  He  succeeded  in 
strongly  intrenching  himself  in  the  midst  of  a  pow- 
erful empire,  and  of  making  ample  provision  as  he 
thought  for  its  perpetuity.  Any  body  of  men  who 
could  have  escaped  from  the  delta  into  Asia  would 
have  been  captured  by  his  garrisons  stationed 
throughout  his  possessions  in  the  northeast.  If  they 
could  have  reached  the  Hittite  country,  the  extradi- 
tion section  of  the  treaty  between  that  land  and  Egypt 
would  have  necessitated  their  return  to  their  master 
and  king. 


118  '*  ISRAEL"    ON  THE  MONUMENTS 

At  the  death  of  Eameses  II,  1281  B.  C.  (Mah- 
ler), he  is  succeeded  by  a  son  who  is  by  no  means 
the  equal  of  his  father.  Meneptah  IPs  accession 
seems  to  have  been  the  signal  for  a  rebellion  against 
the  Egyptian  throne.  The  Libyans  of  Northern 
Africa,  the  inhabitants  of  the  isles  of  the  seas,  peoples 
from  Asia,  arose  not  only  to  free  themselves  from  the 
yoke  of  Egypt,  but  even  to  invade  her  territory.  For- 
eigners swarmed  into  lower  Egypt  and  threatened  the 
very  existence  of  the  empire.  The  withering  and 
destructive  oppression  under  which  the  Hebrews 
groaned,  is  practically  substantiated  in  one  of  the  two 
Egyptian  inscriptions  which  contain  the  name 
"Israel."  "A  hymn  of  victory  addressed  to  Meneptah 
alludes  to  '^the  Israelites,'  to  whom  'no  seed'  had  been 
left.''  But  this  oppression  met  a  severe  blow  in  the 
fifth  year  of  his  reign  (1276  B.  C).  It  was  the  year 
of  ominous  uprisings  among  the  surrounding  nations. 
These  taxed  the  military  resources  of  the  young  king 
to  their  limits.  The  plagues  also,  paralyzing  in  their 
effects  on  the  land  and  the  people,  stung  the  Pharaoh 
to  a  pitch  of  desperation.  Driven  on  by  rebellions 
and  by  plagues,  he  finally  grants  every  demand  of  the 
Hebrews.  They  hastily  gather  up  their  goods  and 
their  flocks,  and  as  a  "mixed  multitude"  (Ex.  xii.  38), 
they  march  eastward  to  pass  out  through  the  frontier 
fortifications. 

95.  Naville's  discovery  of  Pithom  and  our  definite 
location  of  the  practical  boundaries  of  the  land  of 


THE  EXODUS  119 

Goshen,  is  an  aid  to  the  tracing  of  the  route  of  the 
Exodus.  This  motley  throng  of  from  two  to  three 
million  persons  marched  up  against  the  boundary 
wall-line.  Thence  they  are  led  about  until  they  face 
an  expanse  of  water.  A  strong  wind  blowing  all  night 
forced  back  the  waters,  and  the  released  slaves  escaped 
across  the  bared  shallows  of  the  upper  end  of  Lake 
Timsah  into  the  eastern  wilderness.  Pharaoh  sent 
after  the  runaways  a  small  detachment  of  charioteers, 
who  only  perished  in  the  returning  waters.  At  about 
this  same  time  Meneptah  routed  the  allied  enemies  of 
his  throne  at  a  great  battle,  in  which  he  took  valuable 
booty  and  a  multitude  of  captives.  It  is  not  strange 
that  the  flight  of  the  Hebrews  is  not  mentioned  in 
Egyptian  history.  The  escape  of  slaves,  especially 
when  it  meant  a  practical  defeat  of  the  purposes  of 
the  Pharaoh,  would  scarcely  be  recorded  by  the  court 
annalist.  Again,  the  occurrence  of  such  migrations 
as  this  was  not  seldom  in  lands  of  shepherds  and 
nomads.  Professor  Sayce  cites  a  case  almost  parallel 
with  this  in  modern  times. 

96.  Another  notable  case  demands  attention  just 
at  this  point.  The  final  plague  was  the  death  of  the 
first-born.  Dr.  Paine  {Century  Magazine,  Septem- 
ber, 1889)  gathers  from  many  inscriptions  that 
the  records  teil  us  of  the  sudden  death  of  the 
eldest  son  of  the  reigning  Pharaoh.  It  relates 
how  Meneptah  came  to  the  throne  when  an  old 
man,   and    that   he    had   a    son    of   his    old   age. 


120      EVIDENCE  OP  EGYPTIAN  SOJOURN 

This  son_,  when  eighteen  years  old,  he  associated 
with  himself  in  the  government  of  the  land.  The 
tomb  of  the  lad  has  been  discovered  at  Thebes — 
unfinished.  At  Gebel  Silsilis  some  tablets  represent 
the  royal  group;  one  shows  King  Meneptah  offering 
an  image.  The  inscription  beneath  it  reads  as  fol- 
lows :  "The  heir  to  the  throne  of  the  whole  land,  the 
royal  scribe,  the  chief  of  the  soldiers,  the  great  royal 
son  of  the  body  begotten,  beloved  of  him  [Set]  Me- 
neptah— deceased."  It  should  be  said,  however,  that 
all  Egyptian  scholars  do  not  agree  with  Dr.  Paine's 
interpretation. 

97.  So  far  from  denying  the  Egyptian  sojourn  of 
the  Hebrews,  the  biblical  narrative  preserves  an  Egyp- 
tian coloring,  sets  admirably  on  an  Egyptian  back- 
ground, and  reflects  Egyptian  life  and  customs.  The 
excavations  at  Pithom,  the  two  occurrences  of  the 
name  "Israel"  on  Egyptian  monuments,  suitable 
political  conditions,  and  the  veritable  mummies  of 
Seti  i  and  Eameses  II  in  the  museum  of  Gizeh,  testify 
strongly  to  the  definite  sojourn  of  Israel  in  the  land  of 
Goshen. 

98.  How  long?  From  the  migration  of  Jacob's 
family  into  the  land  of  plenty,  to  their  exodus  in  1276 
B.  C.  How  long  were  they  in  actual  slavery?  This 
question  cannot  be  specifically  answered.  If  they 
were  enslaved  by  the  early  kings  of  the  XlXth  dynasty 
and  escaped  in  1276  B.  C,  their  actual  slave-service 
did  not  cover  more  than  one  century,  while  their 


WHY  SOJOURN  IN  EGYPT?  121 

sojourn  from  Joseph's  day  may  have  lasted  300  or 
more  years. 

99.  What  was  the  purpose  of  that  long  Egyptian 
sojourn?    What  could  Providence  have  had  in  store 
for  his  chosen  people  that  they  were  permitted  to 
suffer  such  hardships  at  the  hands  of  cruel  lords  and 
taskmasters?     The  more  we  penetrate  the  mists  of 
antiquity  in  the  decipherment  of  its  records,  the  more 
we  perceive  the  remarkable  character  of  the  oldest 
civilizations  located  on  the  Nile  and  on  the  Euphra- 
tes and  Tigris  rivers.     The  patriarchs  in  Palestine 
were  living  among  peoples  of  low  moral  character,  of 
a  low  type  of  civilization,  if  civilization  it  might  be 
called.       God  had  in  store  large  things  for  their 
descendants.     To  occupy  the  position  which  he  had 
planned  for  them,  it  was  necessary  that  they  become 
acquainted  with  the  nations  of  their  day.     Their  set- 
tlement and  sojourn  in  Egypt,  through  the  mediation 
of  a  Hyksos  sovereign,  was  the  introduction  of  Israel 
to  the  foremost  or  one  of  the  two  foremost  nations 
of  those  times.    Yet  they  were  so  compactly  settled 
that  they  lost  neither  their  identity  nor  their  life- 
customs,  nor  their  God.    Their  long,  peaceful  sojourn 
gave  them  an  opportunity  to  observe  and  to  learn 
what  Egypt's  life,  its  government,  its  customs,  its 
religion  were.    Then,  daily  mingling  with  the  motley 
crowd  of  foreign  merchantmen,  seeing  the  rushing 
to  and  fro  of  Egyptian  armies,  and  sharing  in  the 
benefits  of  the  kingdom  of  this  great  land,  broadened 


122  ISRAEL'S  TRAINING-SCHOOL 

their  vision  of  the  meaning  of  national  life,  and  of  its 
claims  upon  its  subjects  and  supporters. 

100.  Then  their  seizure  and  enslavement  had  just 
as  distinct  a  lesson  for  them.  Though  acquainted 
with  many  of  the  arts  practiced  about  them,  their 
actual  training  in  these  was  forced  upon  them  by  task- 
masters. "They  made  their  lives  bitter  with  hard 
service,  in  mortar  and  in  brick,  and  in  all  manner  of 
service  in  the  field,  all  their  service,  wherein  they 
made  them  serve  with  rigor"  (Ex.  i.  14).  These 
words  seem  to  teach  that  the  Hebrews  were  compelled 
to  learn  all  the  trades  and  occupations  of  their  mas- 
ters, and  to  work  hard  at  them.  This  was  an  indus- 
trial training-school  in  the  foremost  civilization  of 
that  day.  It  was  the  severest,  the  sharpest,  and  the 
most  complete  training  a  people  could  receive  to  make 
them  masters  of  the  leading  arts  and  occupations  of 
Egypt.  Their  easy  contact  with  the  Egyptians  also 
had  its  lessons,  and  its  tests  for  future  responsibilities. 
Moses  in  the  court  of  the  Pharaoh,  received  the  intel- 
lectual training,  the  spiritual  testing,  and  the  all- 
around  preparation  for  his  supreme  task.  The  He- 
brews, as  bondsmen,  were  lashed  into  their  places  as 
apprentices  and  tradesmen,  to  prepare  for  indepen- 
dent service  when  the  day  of  freedom  should  arrive. 
Thus  a  tribe  is  planted  in  the  garden  of  Egypt,  is 
trained  and  pruned  with  great  care  by  an  experienced 
gardener  to  produce  fruit  in  the  distant  days  of  the 
unknown  future. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE   PEOPLES   OF   CANAAN  AND   ISRAEL 

101.  The  exodus  of  Israel  from  Egypt  was  her  first 
step  toward  entering  and  occupying  "the  promised 
land."  With  eager  hearts  they  set  out  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  land  of  their  fathers.  This  land  was 
occupied  by  a  strange  conglomeration  of  peoples, 
whose  claim  to  it  must  be  disputed  by  Israel.  In 
other  words,  conquest  was  to  be  the  means  by  which 
they  were  to  secure  their  new  home-land.  To  appre- 
ciate what  a  task  they  had  before  them,  it  will  be  nec- 
essary for  us  to  take  a  glance  backward  at  the  early 
history  of  the  peoples  and  political  movements  in 
this  land.  Only  the  briefest  reference  can  be  made  to 
many  important  facts. 

102.  Some  of  the  earliest  references  in  cuneiform 
literature  to  this  territory  calls  it  the  "West-land"; 
and  this  term  is  broad  enough  to  cover  the  entire  east 
coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  extending  back  to  the 
desert  lines  on  the  east.  This  general  term  covers 
what  in  later  times  was  included  in  northern,  central, 
southern  Syria,  and  Palestine.  Who  the  earliest  in- 
habitants of  this  region  were  and  whence  they  came, 
are  still  mysteries  from  a  prehistoric  age.    The  earli- 

123 


124  THE  LAND  OP  CANAAN 

est  names  of  peoples  fixed  in  this  territory  are  those 
of  the  Canaanites  and  the  Amorites.  Presumably 
they  first  occupied  this  territory  at  a  period  of  time 
subsequent  to  the  earliest  known  settlements  of  Baby- 
lonia, from  which  peoples  migrated  in  various  direc- 
tions. Their  exact  relations  in  time  and  in  blood  to 
the  earliest  occupants  of  Egypt  are  unknown.  Our 
first  biblical  information  about  the  peoples  of  this 
land  is  that  supplied  by  the  narratives  of  the  patri- 
archal epoch.  Our  first  extra-biblical  references  are 
found  in  accounts  of  the  Egyptian  campaigns  into 
this  corner  of  Asia.  The  peoples  found  here  by  these 
great  military  expeditions  are  supposed  to  have  been 
crowded  westward  across  the  Euphrates  by  the  grow- 
ing powers  of  Babylonia.  Some  of  the  clans  settled 
on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and  in  course 
of  time,  after  ages  of  growth,  betook  themselves  to  a 
seafaring  and  commercial  life,  and  became  in  later 
days  the  thrifty  and  wealthy  Phoenicians.  Others  set- 
tled upon  the  land  and  became  agriculturists  and 
herdsmen. 

103.  The  country  of  Palestine  proper,  the  southern- 
most division  of  this  coast-land,  is  a  small  bit  of  terri- 
tory, bounded  on  the  north  by  the  mountains  of 
Lebanon  and  Hermon,  on  the  south  by  the  desert 
of  Sinai,  on  the  east  by  the  Syrian  desert,  and  on  the 
west  by  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Its  area  on  both  sides 
the  Jordan  river  was  less  than  13,000  square  miles. 
The  peculiarity  of  its  position,  with  desert  on  two 


CANAAN  A  FORAGING  GROUND        125 

sides  and  sea  on  one  side,  lying  on  the  highway  be- 
tween the  fertile  ranges  of  Asia  and  the  Nile  valley  of 
Egypt,  gave  it  supreme  significance  as  the  future 
home  of  Israel. 

104.  Palestine,  then,  as  the  bridge  between  Asia 
and  Africa,  was  crossed  by  every  military  campaign 
carried  on  by  either  of  these  countries  against  the 
other.  This  fact  subjected  the  inhabitants  of  this 
strip  of  land  to  frequent  plunderings  and  to  the 
paral3^zing  effect  of  stupendous  military  expeditions. 
Palestine  even  became  the  battlefield,  several  times, 
of  great  international  strifes.  These  frequent  cross- 
ings and  recrossings  of  large  armies  made  of  this  land 
a  kind  of  periodical  plunder-ground.  During  the 
times  of  the  XYIIIth  and  XlXth  dynasties  of  Egypt, 
Palestine  was  swept  by  at  least  fourteen  military  expe- 
ditions. The  inevitable  effect  on  the  people  in  any 
such  territory  would  be  to  blight  their  courage  and 
ambition,  neutralize  their  means  of  common  self-de- 
fense, scatter  their  strength,  and  reduce  them  to  mere 
separate  neighborhoods  and  villages.  This  territory 
was  not  only  the  highway  between  the  East  and  the 
West,  but  its  possession  was  accounted  of  especial 
value,  because  of  its  proximity  to  the  great  commercial 
advantages  of  the  eastern  coast-line  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea. 

105.  The  Tel  el-Amarna  letters,  already  referred  to, 
are  a  new  revelation  of  the  conditions  existing  in 
Palestine  during  the  reigns  of  Amenophis  III  and 


126  THE  PEOPLES  OF  CANAAN 

IV  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty  of  Egypt.  However  much 
the  population  of  Palestine  may  have  had  to  do  with 
the  Hyksos  domination  of  Egypt,  they  were  for  a  con- 
siderable time  in  the  XVIIIth  djmasty,  subjects  of 
the  king  of  Egypt.  These  letters  describe  an  unsettled 
and  anxious  condition  of  affairs.  Invaders  from  the 
North  threatened  subjection,  petty  governors  be- 
sought help  from  the  king,  in  fact,  the  whole  West- 
land  seemed  to  be  about  ready  to  break  up  into  a  lot 
of  minor  states  or  cities.  After  the  death  of  Ameno- 
phis  IV  this  entire  sweep  of  territory  fell  before  the 
arms  of  invaders.  During  the  domination  of  the 
kings  of  the  XlXth  dynasty,  this  same  fateful  strip 
fell  back  again  to  the  sway  of  Egypt.  To  her  it  re- 
mained subject  until  the  breaking  up  of  the  empire, 
earl}''  in  the  reign  of  Meneptah,  about  the  date  of  the 
exodus  of  Israel.  At  this  time  her  peoples  achieved 
independence. 

106.  Early  in  the  biblical  narrative,  regarding  the 
occupants  of  Palestine,  just  before  Israel's  entrance, 
we  find  mentioned,  besides  the  Canaanites,  the  Amor- 
ites,  Hittites,  Hivites,  Jebusites,  Perizzites,  and  Gir- 
gashites.  Of  the  Hittites  we  have  already  said  that 
they  probably  were  only  a  small  colony,  of  the  great 
northern  empire,  which  had  settled  on  the  hills  of 
Canaan.  They  seem  simply  to  have  lived  among  the 
other  peoples  of  the  land,  and  not  to  have  formed  a 
military  community.  The  Hivites  were  merely,  as 
the  name  signifies,  "villagers,"  and  were  especially 


CANAANITE  AND  AMORITE  127 

numerous  near  the  northern  boundaries  of  the  land 
(Josh.  xi.  3;  Judg.  iii.  3).  Their  chief  cities  seem  to 
have  been  Gibeon  (Josh.  ix.  17)  and  Shechem.  The 
Jebusites  seem  to  have  been  confined  to  one  point,  the 
formidable  fortress  of  Jebus,  within  the  confines  of 
what  later  became  Jerusalem.  The  Perizzites  were 
the  country  people,  in  distinction  from  the  inhabi- 
tants of  villages  or  cities.  Nothing  whatever  is  known 
of  the  Girgashites,  unless  the  brief  reference  in  the 
Poem  of  Pentaur,  to  "the  country  of  Qirqash"  be  a 
hint  at  the  land  occupied  by  these  peoples.  The 
Amorites  and  the  Canaanites,  however,  were  more 
formidable  people  and  deserve  larger  mention. 

In  the  Old  Testament,  "Canaanite,"  says  Prof. 
McCurdy,  is  both  a  geographical  and  an  ethnical  term. 
Neither  the  people  nor  the  land  are  ever  assigned  to 
the  east  side  of  the  Jordan,  but  are  rather  confined  to 
the  coastline  of  Palestine,  and  the  "Sidonian"  country 
to  the  north  of  the  plain  of  Jezreel,  and  as  far  east  as 
the  Jordan.  "Canaanite"  may  even  be  the  name  ap- 
plied to  the  occupants  of  any  land  west  of  the  Jordan, 
even  though  they  may  be  designated  elsewhere  under 
other  local  or  racial  names.  "Amorite,''  however,  is 
distinctly  a  racial  name.  The  peoples  to  whom  this 
name  was  applied  occupied  the  hill  country  of  Judah 
west  of  the  Jordan,  and  were  the  races  with  whom 
Israel  clashed  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan. 

"Canaanite"  and  "Amorite"  are  not  interchange- 
able terms,  nor  are  they  mutually  exclusive.     "Ca- 


128  ISRAELIS  CONQUEST  OF  CANAAN 

naanite"  is  sometimes  used  for  "Amorite"  in  the  racial 
sense,  while  "Amorite''  is  never  used  for  Canaanite  in 
that  sense. 

In  addition  to  these  peoples  already  described,  the 
lowlands  between  the  mountains  of  Hebron  and  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  were  occupied  by  the  Philistines, 
immigrants  probably  from  Crete,  or  some  other 
Grecian  coast.  These,  with  Hittites  from  northern 
Asia  Minor,  Ganaanites  from  the  Persian  Gulf,  Amor- 
ites  from  some  distant  land,  made  Palestine  a  strange 
commingling  of  foreigners. 

It  is  altogether  probable  that  the  hint  already 
noted  in  1  Chronicles,  and  the  scraps  of  information 
contained  in  Judges  (chap,  i.)  preserve  sufficient  ev- 
idence to  warrant  the  conclusion  that  there  were  also 
present  in  Canaan  among  these  frequently  mentioned 
nationalities  communities  of  Hebrews.  They  were 
already  in  quiet  possession  of  certain  districts,  and 
were  an  element  in  favor  of  the  increasing  army  of 
their  brethren. 

107.  This  mixed  population,  in  this  small  bit  of 
territory,  overrun  and  plundered  by  every  crossing 
army  for  hundreds  of  years,  was  the  problem  which 
faced  the  invading  Israelites.  Separated  into  small 
clans,  or  centered  in  small  cities,  some  of  them  well- 
walled  and  strongly  fortified,  without  any  central 
org;anization,  or  any  common  bond  of  unity,  these 
peoples  became  an  easy  prey  even  to  such  an  army 
as  that  with  which  Joshua  crossed  the  Jordan.     His 


5 A   PPITLISTINEJ 


AMORITES 


ISRAEL'S  OPPRESSORS  129 

stroke  and  capture  of  the  key  to  the  land,  Jericho, 
and  his  marvelous  success  in  taking  one  city  after 
another,  and  his  good  fortune  in  not  meeting  a  great 
and  united  army,  gave  him  easy  possession  of  many 
of  the  strongest  points  in  the  West-Jordanic  territory. 

108.  After  the  partial  conquest  of  this  land  and  the 
formal  settlement  of  the  tribes  among  their  conquered 
and  unconquered  neighbors,  we  find  Israel  subjected 
to  the  fiercest  temptations.  Peaceful  proximity  to 
the  corrupt  customs  of  their  neighbors  was  a  dan- 
gerous condition  of  things.  It  very  soon  resulted  in 
friendly  commercial  intercourse,  in  mixed  marriages, 
in  a  kind  of  free  and  easy  coalescence  of  plans  and 
purposes.  The  seductive  religious  rites  of  these  new 
peoples,  appealing  to  the  physical  senses  of  Israel, 
soon  made  captive  the  unwary  conqueror,  and  won 
him  over  to  the  customs  of  the  conquered. 

109.  This  rapid  coalescence  of  Israel  with  the  peo- 
ples of  Canaan  dragged  them  down  and  made  them  an 
easy  prey  of  invaders.  Very  early  after  their  con- 
quest and  settlement  in  their  new  home-land,  an 
ambitious  ruler  from  Mesopotamia,  Cushan-rishath- 
aim,  an  Aramaean  king,  carried  his  arms  down  into 
Palestine.  This  invader  was  probably  a  successor  of 
the  Mitanni,  already  mentioned.  His  seems  to  have 
been  the  first  foreign  military  campaign  of  any  note 
since  Israel  had  settled  in  Canaan.  The  deliverer 
was  Othniel,  one  of  the  men  trained  probably  by 
Joshua.  The  Mesopotamians  were  driven  out  and 
Israel  again  became  independent.    Enemies  began  to 


130  RISE  OF  THE  PHILISTINES 

arise  from  nearer  quarters.  Moab  crossed  the  Jordan 
and  subdued  southern  Israel  and  established  her 
headquarters  at  Jericho.  Ehud,  a  valiant  Benjamin- 
ite,  by  a  deed  of  treachery,  slew  the  king,  roused  his 
countrymen  and  threw  off  the  Moabite  yoke.  The 
unconquered  Canaanites  of  northern  Palestine  like- 
wise overcame  the  newcomers  and  held  Israel  under 
oppression  until  the  victorious  stroke  of  Deborah  and 
Barak.  Next  came  bands  of  Midianites,  who  ravaged 
the  territory  of  Israel  and  so  terrified  its  inhabitants 
that  they  sought  hiding-places  from  these  robber 
bands.  This  annual  invasion  was  finally  terminated 
by  the  rise  and  valor  of  Gideon  and  his  valiant  corps 
of  three  hundred  heroes.  The  next  threat  and  op- 
pression came  from  another  eastern  tribe,  the  Am- 
monites. The  frontier  free-booter  Jephthah,  armed 
with  a  reckless  daring,  and  a  devotee  to  a  crude  form 
of  religion,  smote  the  enemy  full  in  the  face.  His 
rugged  zeal  and  fidelity  led  him  to  fulfil  in  all  of  its 
horrible  details  the  conditions  of  his  vow  to  the 
Almighty. 

110.  Still  another  enemy  to  Israel's  peace  appeared 
on  the  southwestern  horizon.  The  Philistines,  now 
grown  in  power,  had  begun  to  spread  their  net. 
Israel  soon  fell  into  its  meshes.  A  hardy  race  cen- 
tered in  five  strong  cities,  Ashdod,  Ashkelon,  Gaza, 
Ekron  and  Gath,  they  early  threaten  the  liberty  of 
the  Israelitish  colony.  Scarcely  Semitic  in  descent, 
they,  nevertheless,  soon  adopt  the  manners,  language. 


SAMUEL  A  VICTOR  131 

and  even  the  religion  of  their  neighbors.  Their  first 
raids  were  repelled  by  the  valor  of  Shamgar,  while 
later  Samson  plays  his  tricks  with  their  armies. 
Finally,  however,  entrapped  in  their  folds,  he  meets 
a  most  tragical  death,  but  succeeds  in  taking  dire 
vengeance  on  his  persecutors. 

In  the  latter  days  of  the  judges,  we  find  a  fearfully 
corrupt  condition  of  affairs  (Judg.  xix.-xxi.).  The 
prevalence  of  priestly  prostitution  to  the  service  of 
idols,  of  horrible  crimes,  kindled  a  spark,  a  flame  of 
internal  strife,  in  which  one  tribe  was  almost  exter- 
minated. This  state  of  things  opened  the  door  for 
the  aggression  of  the  Philistines,  who  were  not  slow 
to  see  and  improve  their  opportunity.  By  the  time 
of  the  closing  years  of  Eli  we  find  the  Philistines 
carrying  out  their  own  sweet  will  despite  every  op- 
posing faction  of  Israel. 

111.  Their  advance  was  first  successfully  disputed 
only  by  the  rise  and  power  of  Samuel.  Israel's  hu- 
miliation, and  degradation  in  the  presence  of  these 
indomitable  fighters,  led  to  the  unification  as  never 
before  of  the  scattered  strength  of  Israel.  It  demon- 
strated to  them  that  if  they  were  to  have  a  career  as 
a  people,  they  must  stand  together  and  fight  together 
against  their  common  foes. 

Israel's  settlement  and  quarrels  and  oppressions  in 
their  new  territory,  tried  them  in  the  fire,  melted 
them  in  the  furnace,  and  burnt  out  of  them  some  of 
the  dross,  that  had  interfered  with  their  unity  and 
comparatively  unified  them  as  a  nation. 


CHAPTEE  XI 

FOREIGN  NATIONS  AND  THE  SINGLE  MONARCHY 

112.  The  unification  of  the  tribes  of  Israel  under 
one  ruler  was  consummated  by  the  efforts  of  Samuel, 
the  last  judge,  and  the  founder  of  the  prophetic  order. 
Under  divine  direction  he  selected  privately  and  pub- 
licly a  Benjaminite,  Saul,  to  be  the  founder  of  the 
new  kingdom  of  Israel.  Saul's  early  test  of  leader- 
ship was  in  war  against  the  Ammonites  east  of  the 
Jordan.  His  victory  over  this  enemy  won  for  him 
the  public  enthusiasm  and  comparative  unification  of 
all  Israel.  His  early  administration  is  seen  mainly  in 
his  energetic  conduct  of  war  with  the  minor  peoples 
adjacent  to  the  borders  of  his  kingdom.  The  Philis- 
tines receive  early  and  prompt  attention,  and  are 
driven  out  of  many  of  the  fastnesses  of  the  land. 
Jonathan's  valor  and  action  were  a  prominent  initia- 
tive in  this  victorious  result.  The  Amalekites,  too, 
who  had  struck  a  blow  at  Israel  immediately  upon 
their  escape  from  Egypt,  suffered  a  withering  defeat 
at  the  hands  of  Saul's  army. 

113.  But  the  power  of  Saul  exhausted  itself  on  the 
battlefield.  His  poor  administration'  of  the  govern- 
ment, his  disobedience  to  the  commands  of  the  pro- 

132 


David's  victories  133 

phet,  forebode  disaster.  Though  victorious  over  his 
neighboring  foes,  one  of  the  chief  elements  of  his 
success  against  the  Philistines  was  found  in  David, 
a  valiant  warrior  of  Bethlehem.  The  sudden  popu- 
larity of  the  youthful  hero  aroused  the  jealousy  of 
the  monarch.  This  jealousy  grew  into  a  bitter  hatred 
that  assumed  the  form  of  a  species  of  insanity.  David 
was  compelled  to  flee  for  his  life,  and  to  live  the  life 
of  an  outlaw.  The  power  of  the  king  rapidly  waned, 
and  the  aggressions  of  the  Philistines  equally  grew. 
Finally,  the  fateful  battle  took  place  on  Mt.  Gilboa, 
where  Saul  and  his  valorous  sons  fell  victims  to  a 
Philistine  victory.  These  doughty  warriors  now 
ruled  western  Palestine  and  crowded  the  scattered 
remnants  of  Saul's  army  to  the  east  of  the  Jordan. 
Abner,  Saul's  general,  made  Ishbosheth  king  of  the 
fragment  of  a  kingdom. 

114.  David,  who  had  finally  taken  refuge  from 
Saul,  in  the  friendly  land  of  Philistia,  now  returns 
to  Hebron.  By  the  intrepid  vigor  of  the  warrior 
Joab,  this  initial  movement  soon  crowds  back  the 
Philistines,  and  David  becomes  master  and  king  of 
all  Judah.  On  the  basis  of  overtures  from  Abner, 
David's  authority  soon  extends  over  all  Israel.  The 
fortress  of  Jebus  is  now  captured  and  the  king  makes 
this  the  capital  of  his  kingdom.  From  Jerusalem  as 
the  center,  his  army  swept  about  the  whole  horizon, 
subduing,  receiving  tribute,  and  concluding  treaties. 

115.  But  some  one  may  ask:    How  was  David's 


134  EGYPT  AND  ASIA  IN  DAVID 'S  DAY 

army  able  to  raid  territory  at  such  distances  as 
Damascus  and  the  Euphrates?  "What  were  the  politi- 
cal relations  of  the  great  world-powers  whose  armies 
had  often  crossed  this  bridge?  An  examination  of 
these  questions  reveals  facts  of  double  interest.  "The 
successors  of  Eameses  III  of  the  XXth  dynasty 
(llSO-1050  B.  C),  nine  in  number,  all  bearing  the 
same  name,  had  become  mere  tools  in  the  hands  of 
the  great  priestly  guild  of  Thebes,  and  their  reign  is 
marked  by  domestic  weakness  and  by  official  corrup- 
tion. The  next  dynasty,  the  XXIst  (1050-945  B.  C), 
was  not  only  controlled  by  the  priests,  but  actually 
consisted  throughout  of  high-priests  of  Amun  at 
Thebes."  The  military  and  administrative  power  of 
Egypt  reached  so  low  an  ebb  that  this  dynasty  finally 
fell  before  the  power  of  a  strong  Libyan  leader  who 
had  formerly  served  as  a  mercenary  in  the  Egyptian 
army.  This  condition  of  things  in  Egypt  could  inter- 
ject no  opposition  to  the  conquests  of  David,  but 
would  rather  encourage  his  adventurous  spirit. 

116.  When  we  turn  our  attention  to  former  em- 
pires of  Asia,  we  discover  similar  political  conditions. 
The  Babylonian  monuments  are  silent  about  the 
West-land,  and  the  Assyrian  records  have  next  to 
nothing  to  say  of  affairs  in  the  West  between  the 
reigns  of  Tiglath-pileser  I  (1120-1090  B.  C.)  and 
Assurnatsirpal  (884-860  B.  C).  So  that  there  arose 
no  protest  against  David  from  the  peoples  of  Assyria 
and  Babylonia  beyond  the  Euphrates.     Again,  it  is 


DAVID  IN  THE  NORTH  135 

noticeable  that  the  Hittites,  whose  power  had  often 
been  the  dread  of  Egypt  and  of  all  the  minor  tribes 
on  the  east  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  are  not 
mentioned  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  as  a  world- 
power  after  1000  B.  C.  It  is  supposed  that  they  had 
been  crowded  back  into  the  mountains  by  the  victo- 
rious campaigns  of  the  Aramaeans,  who  had  crossed 
and  occupied  territory  on  the  west  banks  of  the 
Euphrates  river.  If,  then,  the  Hittites  were  expelled 
by  the  peoples  of  Mitanni,  or  Paddan  Aram,  Syria, 
northern  and  middle,  was  Aramaic  territory  before 
the  time  of  David.  Its  strong  centers,  such  as 
Hamath  and  Damascus,  presented  a  formidable  de- 
fense against  any  invader.  Damascus,  especially,  had 
been  a  prominent  commercial  center  from  prehistoric 
times,  standing  as  it  did  on  the  great  highway  between 
the  East  and  the  West. 

117.  David's  conquests  embraced  the  peoples  of 
Edom,  Ammon,  Moab,  Philistia,  and  Amalek.  His 
wars  with  these  tribes  were  not  long  drawn  out. 
Ammon,  however,  made  a  stubborn  resistance.  The 
most  powerful  opponents  to  Israel's  advances  were 
the  Aramgean  kings  of  the  north  and  northeast. 
Hadadezer  of  Zobah  was  at  the  head  of  a  federation 
of  troops  from  Eehob,  Tob  and  Maacha.  These 
received  a  disastrous  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Israel 
under  the  leadership  of  Joab.  Hastily  they  sum- 
moned all  their  allies,  even  from  the  east  banks  of  the 
Euphrates.     This   formidable   Aramaean  army   was 


136  David's  disasters 

met  by  Israel,  led  by  king  David  in  person.  The 
trained  fighting  army  of  Israel  was  victorious,  not 
only  over  this  great  body  of  Aramaean  allies,  but  over 
all  Syria.  The  king  of  Hamath,  likewise  an  enemy 
of  Hadadezer,  freely  submitted  to  David  and  sent  him 
gifts  as  symbols  of  his  homage.  The  final  reduction 
of  Kabbath-Ammon  concluded  the  conquests  of 
David. 

118.  The  scope  of  David's  territory,  and  the  diver- 
sity of  his  subjects,  demanded  careful  organization. 
The  king  established  an  apparently  successful  admin- 
istration. From  the  centralized  power,  the  concen- 
tration of  wealth,  the  building  up  of  a  court  after  the 
manner  of  oriental  despots,  and  the  moral  weakness 
of  the  king,  there  sprang  up  a  brood  of  disasters.  A 
criminal  king,  family  corruption,  fratricide,  and  open 
plotting  and  rebellion  on  the  part  of  Absalom,  almost 
tore  the  kingdom  asunder.  But  its  destruction  was 
finally  prevented  by  the  timely  foresight  of  the  king's 
counsellors,  and  the  defeat  and  death  of  the  rebel 
Absalom.  At  the  close  of  the  king's  life  another 
claimant  to  the  throne,  Adonijah,  arises,  but  is  super- 
seded by  Solomon. 

119.  Solomon's  heritage  was  a  kingdom  thoroughly 
organized,  at  peace  with  its  neighbors,  and  ready  for 
development.  This  new  king  originated  and  exe- 
cuted vast  building  enterprises  both  in  his  capital  and 
among  his  subject  peoples.  To  insure  peace  and  se- 
curity he  made  domestic  alliances  with  all  his  subject 


SOLOMON^S  HERITAGE  137 

tribes  and  powers.  He  also  stepped  over  his  own 
boundary  lines  and  took  as  wives  princesses  of  Egypt 
and  of  Phoenicia. 

These  relations  not  only  secured  the  good-will  of 
leaders  among  these  peoples,  but  opened  the  door  for 
political  and  commercial  negotiations.  The  king  of 
Egypt  conquered,  and  gave  to  Solomon  as  a  dowry 
with  his  daughter,  the  strong  fortress  of  Gezer  on  the 
extreme  southwestern  limits  of  Israel's  possessions. 
"With  Phoenicia  Solomon  established  commercial  rela- 
tions of  an  important  character.  The  artisans  of 
Phoenicia  became  the  chief  workmen  in  the  splendid 
architectural  achievements  of  Israel.  On  the  sea, 
too,  Solomon  employed  the  skilled  tars  of  Phoenicia. 
The  remote  and  still  undetermined  land  of  Ophir 
yielded  him  once  in  three  years  a  mine  of  gold  and  a 
menagerie  of  tropical  life.  More  than  this,  Solomon 
established  great  marts  of  trade  within  his  territory. 
Tadmor,  in  the  desert,  was  a  kind  of  custom-house 
through  which  all  the  caravans  from  Mesopotamia 
passed  and  paid  their  fees.  From  Egypt  he  imported 
chariots  and  horses  and  passed  them  on  at  a  fixed 
rate  to  the  Hittites  in  the  distant  lands  of  Asia  Minor. 
The  revenue  from  all  of  these  sources  was  something 
stupendous.  It  filled  the  coffers  of  the  kingdom  and 
made  possible  the  chiefest  luxuries  of  the  wealthiest 
oriental  monarchs. 

120.  This  widely  developed  commerce  scattered  the 
fame  and  name  of  Israel  to  distant  shores.     The  supe- 


138  Solomon's  decadence 

rior  shrewdness  and  wisdom  of  Solomon  followed  the 
lines  of  trade,  and  aroused  among  foreign  peoples  a 
peculiar  respect  for,  and  curiosity  to  see,  the  man 
whose  genius  had  wrought  such  revolutions  on  this 
insignificant  strip  of  territory.  This  reputation 
among  foreign  peoples,  these  new  international  social 
relations,  laid  new  duties  on  the  court.  The  increased 
wealth  of  the  kingdom  supplied  the  means  for  giving 
the  monarch  more  than  ever  the  chief  place  in 
Israel.  The  throne  became  absolute,  and  the  people 
merely  the  puppets  of  the  king.  This  step  toward  a 
despotic  monarchy  tended  to  dissolve  rather  than  fix 
the  unity  of  the  kingdom. 

121.  Solomon's  matrimonial  alliances  doubtless 
had  the  virtue  of  establishing  at  the  beginning  of  his 
reign  peaceful  and  harmonious  relations  with  his 
neighbors  and  subjects.  These  treaty  relations  led  to 
increased  commercial  enterprise,  and  to  a  consequent 
material  wealth.  This  wealth  allowed  the  king  to 
gratify  the  luxurious  desires  of  the  court.  The  pres- 
ence of  numerous  foreign  wives,  princesses  of  decided 
power,  made  especial  demands  on  Solomon.  Their 
requests,  perfectly  natural,  that  they  should  be  per- 
mitted to  serve  their  fathers'  gods,  seem  to  have  been 
readily  granted.  The  king  erected  shrines  for  the 
whole  troop  of  foreign  deities  worshiped  by  his  treaty 
wives.  This  soon  made  Jerusalem  a  pantheon.  It 
presented  the  anomaly  of  Solomon  establishing  at 
his  capital  a  practical  polytheism.    This  was  too  much 


SOLOMON'S  DECADENCE  139 

even  for  a  Solomon.  The  luxurious  outlay  in  his 
court,  the  mingled  array  of  Egyptian,  Phoenician, 
Hittite,  Edomite,  Ammonite,  and  Moabite  beauty,  the 
lavish  shrines  of  the  multifarious  deities,  and  the 
entrancing  rituals  of  worship  submerged  the  old 
monarch.  His  grip  on  his  administration  slackened, 
and  border  rebels  arose.  The  specter  of  rebellion 
appeared  even  within  his  own  capital.  He  struck  at 
the  ghost,  but  it  evaded  his  blow  and  took  refuge  with 
a  new  king  of  Egypt — a  usurper  of  unusual  strength. 
Elements  of  dissolution  were  at  work  throughout 
Solomon's  entire  realm.  Eezon  of  Zobah  had  secured 
control  of  Damascus,  and  Hadad  of  Edom  had  re- 
turned from  Egypt,  and  established  himself  among 
his  own  people.  In  a  word,  Solomon's  power,  at  first 
enhanced  by  foreign  alliances,  gradually  faded  away 
before  the  blandishments  and  seductions  of  the  ele- 
ments introduced  by  these  relations.  The  life  of  the 
united  monarchy  is  threatened,  its  power  has  become 
its  weakness,  and  its  days  are  numbered. 


CHAPTER  XII 

SmSHAK  AND  THE  MOABITE   STONE 

122.  The  death  of  Solomon  closed  the  glory-period 
of  Israel.  When  Rehoboam  assembled  all  Israel  at 
Shechem  his  final  reply  to  the  reasonable  demands  of 
Israel  ruptured  the  once  united  kingdom.  Rehoboam 
was  compelled  to  retreat  for  safety  to  the  bounds  of 
Judah — the  original  Davidic  realm.  Jeroboam,  who 
had  fled  from  the  wrath  of  Solomon,  and  taken  refuge 
in  the  court  of  Shishak,  the  new  Libyan  usurper  of 
the  throne  of  Egypt,  was  recalled  and  hailed  as  king 
of  the  seceding  tribes.  This  disruption  of  the  united 
kingdom  gave  Solomon's  son  the  tribes  of  Judah  and 
Benjamin,  while  the  remainder  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  re- 
turning fugitive  Jeroboam.  Thus  for  more  than  two 
centuries  these  rival  kingdoms  faced  each  other,  gen- 
erally in  friendly,  but  sometimes  in  hostile  relations. 
They  fortified  their  realms  against  each  other,  and 
attempted  to  establish  such  political  and  religious 
policies  as  would  guarantee  patriotic  fidelity  on  the 
part  of  their  citizens  and  permanency  of  government. 

123.  The  new  Pharaoh  of  the  XXIInd  dynasty, 
Shishak  (Sheshonk)  I,  had  dethroned  the  power  of 
the  king  whose  daughter  Solomon  had  taken  to  wife. 

140 


SHISHAK   WITH   HIS  PALESTINIAN   CAPTIVES 


shishak's  invasion  141 

In  this  new  court  Jeroboam  had  been  sheltered  (1 
Kings  xi.  26-40).  Doubtless  Shishak's  ambition  had 
stretched  into  Asia,  which  had  been  in  early  centuries 
the  foraging  ground  of  some  of  Egypt's  greatest  vic- 
tors. We  do  not  know  whether  Jeroboam  had  any 
part  in  suggesting  an  aggressive  campaign  in  this 
direction,  though  his  acquaintance  made  in  his  brief 
Egyptian  sojourn  could  not  have  been  entirely  for- 
gotten. Whatever  his  motive  may  have  been,  Shi- 
shak,  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  Eehoboam  (1 
Kings  xiv.  25-38),  carried  his  arms  into  Palestine. 
He  overran  the  territory  of  Judah,  stormed,  cap- 
tured, and  plundered  Jerusalem.  He  carried  off  to 
'Egypt  the  immense  treasures  of  Solomon's  accumula- 
tion, and  compelled  the  proud  Eehoboam  to  acknowl- 
edge his  supremacy.  Shishak  also  ravaged  consider- 
able territory  of  the  northern  kingdom,  including  the 
capture  of  some  of  its  prominent  cities. 

124.  On  the  southern  wall  of  the  court  of  the  great 
temple  of  Amun  at  Karnak,  Shishak  has  inscribed  a 
sculpture  representing  this  campaign.  He  enumer- 
ates 133  places,  towns  and  fortresses  that  he  cap- 
tured, the  northernmost  being  Megiddo.  In  this 
sculpture,  the  giant  figure  of  Shishak  is  represented  as 
holding  in  his  left  hand  the  ends  of  ropes  which  bind 
long  rows  of  captives  neck  to  neck.  Their  hands  are 
tied  behind  them,  and  the  victor's  right  hand  holds 
over  others  a  rod  with  which  he  threatens  them.  The 
names  of  the  conquered  cities  are  inscribed  on  ovals 


142  shishak's  own  record 

or  shields  that  cover  the  lower  part  of  the  body  of 
each  prisoner.  Some  of  the  most  familiar  names  in 
this  list  are:  Gaza,  Taanach,  Abel,  Adullam,  Beth- 
anath,  Beth-horon,  Aijalon,  Gibeon,  Shunem,  and 
Judah-Melech,  which  the  late  Dr.  Birch  regarded  as 
the  name  of  the  sacred  city  of  Judah,  Jerusalem. 
Prof.  Sayce  sees  in  the  heads  of  the  conquered  those 
of  Amorites,  not  of  Jews.  They  are  the  fair-skinned, 
light-haired,  blue-eyed,  long-headed  Amorites  who  are 
seen  on  the  earlier  monuments  of  Egypt.  This  seems 
to  point  to  a  general  prevalence  of  Amorites  among 
the  Jews  at  this  time. 

Whether  the  resistance  that  Shishak  met  was  so 
stubborn  as  to  discourage  further  advances  into  Asia 
is  unknown.  Neither  is  there  any  evidence  that  he 
exercised  continued  authority  over  the  people  and 
territory  captured.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
immediate  results  to  Judah  and  Israel  of  this  incur- 
sion and  plunder,  it  is  evident  that  within  the  next 
fifteen  years  the  northern  and  southern  kingdoms 
met  in  a  mortal  combat  without  interference  from 
any  outside  power. 

125.  The  next  monument  of  value  in  Old  Testa- 
ment study  is  the  Moabite  Stone.  This  notable  speci- 
men of  antiquity  was  found  at  Dibon  (Isa.  xv.  2)  by  a 
missionary,  the  Rev.  F.  Klein,  in  August,  1868.  Its 
importance  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  preserves  one  of 
the  most  ancient  styles  of  Hebrew  writing,  and  that 
it  supplements  the  records  of  2  Kings  iii.     It  was  a 


FINDING  THE  MOABITE  STONE  143 

stone  of  bluish-black  basalt,  2  feet  wide,  nearly  4 
feet  high,  and  14J  inches  thick,  and  rounded  both 
at  the  top  and  the  bottom.  Across  it  on  one  side 
could  be  seen  an  inscription  of  thirty-four  lines  in 
Phoenician  letters.  Without  perceiving  the  great 
value  of  this  inscription,  Mr.  Klein  copied  a  few 
words,  and  attempted  to  buy  the  relic  for  the  museum 
of  Berlin.  After  about  a  year's  negotiations,  terms 
were  agreed  on,  and  the  stone  was  to  be  delivered 
to  the  German  authorities  for  about  $400.  The 
French  residents  at  Jerusalem,  however,  sent  men  to 
take  paper  impressions  of  the  stone,  and  offered  the 
natives  at  the  same  time  more  than  $1,800.  Very 
naturally,  the  owners  suspected  that  it  contained 
fabulous  powers,  and  the  Governor  of  Nablus  de- 
manded it  for  himself.  Fear  of  losing  such  a  prize 
impelled  the  Arabs  to  build  a  fire  under  it,  and  when 
hot  to  pour  cold  water  over  it.  This  process  cracked 
it  into  fragments,  which  they  distributed  among 
themselves  as  amulets  and  charms.  This  looked  like 
a  fitting  result  of  the  contentions  of  the  national  rep- 
resentatives at  Jerusalem,  and  an  irreparable  loss  to 
the  science  of  archaeology.  But,  fortunately,  some 
time  after,  M.  Clermont-Ganneau  succeeded  in  re- 
covering most  of  the  broken  pieces.  By  means  of  the 
squeezes,  or  paper  impressions,  taken  before  the 
stone's  destruction,  he  reset  the  fragments.  The 
restored  stone  may  now  be  seen  in  the  Louvre  in 
Paris. 


144  A  SUPPLEMENT  TO  2   KINGS 

126.  This  inscribed  stone  is  a  supplement  to  the 
records  of  the  reigns  of  Omri,  Ahab,  Jehoram,  and 
Jehoshaphat.  Omri  had  subdued  Moab,  and  had  col- 
lected from  her  a  yearly  tribute.  Ahab  had  also  en- 
joyed the  same  revenue,  amounting,  under  Mesha's 
reign,  to  the  wool  of  100,000  lambs  and  100,000 
rams  (2  Kings  iii.  4-27).  At  the  close  of  Ahab's 
reign,  Mesha  refused  longer  to  pay  this  tribute.  The 
allied  kings  of  Israel,  Judah,  and  Edom  marched  with 
their  armies  against  them.  The  Moabites  fled  for 
refuge  within  the  strong  fortress ■Kir-haraseth,  where 
Mesha  offered  up  his  own  son  on  the  wall  as  a  burnt 
offering  to  Chemosh,  his  god.  This  stone  was  set 
up  by  king  Mesha,  to  Chemosh,  about  850  B.  C,  to 
commemorate  his  deliverance  from  the  yoke  of  Israel. 

127.  Its  translation  runs  as  follows,  the  numera- 
tion of  lines  corresponding  in  general  to  the  original: 

1  I  (am)  Mesha,  son  of  Chemoshmelek,  King  of   Moab, 

the  Dibonite. 

2  My  father  ruled  over  Moab  thirty  years,  and  I  ruled 

after  my  father. 

3  And  I  prepared  this  monument  for  Chemosh  at  Korkhah, 

4  A  monument  [to  celebrate]  deliverance,  because  he  saved 

me  from  all  invaders,  and  because  he  let  me  see  (my  de- 
sire) upon  all  mine  enemies. 

5  Omri  (was)  king  of  Israel,  and  he  oppressed  Moab  many 

days,  for  Chemosh  was  angry  with  his  land. 

6  His  son  succeeded  him,  and  he  also  said,  "  I  will  oppress 

Moab." 

7  In  my  days  said  he  [thus] :   I  will  see  my  desire  on  him 

and  his  house,  and  Israel  perished  with  an  everlast- 
ing loss. 


TRANSLATION  OF  THE  STONE  145 

8  And  Omri  took  possession  of  the  land  of  Mejiedeba,  and 

dwelt  therein  during  his  days,  and  half  the  days  of  his 
eon,  forty  years. 

9  But  Chemosh  restored  it  in  my  days.  I  built  Baal-Meon, 

and  constructed  in  it  a  pool  ( 9), 

10  And  I  built  Kirjathan.    The  Gadites  had  dwelt  in  the 

land  from  ancient  times,  and  the  king  of  Israel  had 
built  for  himself  Ataroth  ; 

11  But  I  warred  against  the  city  and  took  it. 

12  And  I  slew  all  [the  inhabitants  of]  the  city,  a  spec- 

tacle for  Chemosh  and  for  Moab. 

13  And  I  carried  off  thence  the  arel  of  Dodeh,  and  I  dragged 

it  before  Chemosh  in  Kerioth. 

14  And  I  caused  to  dwell  therein  the  men  of  Sharon  and 

the  men  of  Meheroth. 

15  And  Chemosh  said  to  me  :  Go  take  Nebo  against  Israel. 

16  And  I  went  by  night  and  fought  against  it  from  early 

dawn  until  high  noon. 

17  And  I  took  it  and  slew  all  of  it,  seven  thousand  men 

and  women,  and female  slaves;  for  to 

Ashtor-Chemosh  I  had  devoted  it. 

18  And  I  took  thence  the  arels  of  Jehovah,  and  dragged 

them  before  Chemosh. 

19  Now  the  king  of  Israel  had  built  Jahaz,  and  he  dwelt 

in  it  while  he  waged  war  against  me;  but  Chemosh 
drove  him  out  before  [me ;  and] 

20  I  took  of  Moab  two  hundred  men,  all  chiefs ;  and  I  led 

them  against  Jahaz,  and  took  it  to  add  it  unto  Dibon. 

21  I  built  Korkhah,  the  wall  of  the  forests  (or  Jearim), 

and  the  wall  of  the  fortress  (or  ophel). 

22  And  I  built  its  gates,  and  I  built  its  towers. 

23  And  I  built  the  king's  palace,  and  made  two  large  recep- 

tacles (?)  for  water  in  the  middle  of  the  town. 

24  There  was  no  cistern  in  the  middle  of  the  town  of  Kor- 

khah ;  and  I  said  to  all  the  people, 

25  Make  for  yourselves,  each  man  a  cistern  in  his  own 

house.  And  I  dug  the  channels  for  Korkhah  by  means 
of  the  prisoners  of  Israel. 


146  ITS  SIGNIFICANCE 

26  I  built  Aroer,  and  I  made  the  highway  alongside  of  the 

Arnon. 

27  I  built  Beth-Bamoth  ;  for  it  had  been  torn  down.   I  built 

Bezer,  for  in  ruins  [it  had  fallen]. 

28  [And  the  chiejfs  of  Dibon  were  fifty,  for  all  Dibon  was 

submissive  [to  me]. 

29  And  I  reigned  over  a  hundred   [chiefs]   in  the  towns 

which  I  added  to  the  land. 

30  And  I  built  Beth-Mehedeba  and  Beth-Diblathen,  and 

Beth-Baal-Meon ;  and  located  there  the  shepherds  (?). 
31 the  small  cattle  of  the  land.  And 

in  Horonaim  there  dwelt  ....  and 

32 Chemosh  said  to  me  :  Go  down,  fight  against 

Horonaim.     And  I  went  down 

33 Chemosh  restored  it  in  my  days.    And 

I  went  up  thence  to 

34 And  I 

128.  This  old  document  reads  almost  like  a  new- 
chapter  of  2  Kings.  Its  significance  can  be  indicated 
but  briefly.  It  touches  history,  religion,  and  topog- 
raphy. Its  contribution  to  the  historical  situation 
in  Israel  is  of  first  importance.  We  learn  (1)  that 
Omri  was  obliged  to  resubjugate  Moab  (line  5)  in 
the  early  years  of  his  reign;  and  (2)  that  he  occupied 
the  cities  captured  during  his  campaign  (line  8); 
(3)  that  this  occupation  suddenly  ceased  in  the 
middle  of  the  reign  of  Ahab  (line  9);  (4)  that 
the  expulsion  of  Israel  was  accomplished  by 
Mesha  only  after  a  series  of  battles;  (5)  that  the 
cruelty  visited  on  the  captured  cities  resembled  the 
methods  employed  by  Joshua  in  the  conquests  of 
Canaan  (lines  12  and  17);  (6)  that  the  cities  and 


MOABITES  NOT  BARBARIANS  147 

fortresses  retaken  were  strengthened  for  future  de- 
fenses; (7)  that  the  territory  recaptured  was  repopu- 
lated;  and  (8)  that  the  methods  of  warfare  and  marks 
of  civilization  were  similar  to  those  found  in  Israel. 
We  also  ascertain  the  fact  that  national  defeat,  as 
in  Israel,  was  attributed  to  the  anger  of  their  god. 
More  important  yet  is  the  mention  of  the  name  of 
Jehovah,  to  whom  Israel  is  said  to  have  erected  arels 
— probably  altars  or  shrines,  or  a  sanctuary — in  Nebo. 
This  wonderful  document,  erected  soon  after  the 
death  of  Ahab,  is  the  finest  and  oldest  Hebrew  in- 
scription yet  discovered.  It  has  not  been  copied  by 
scribes  through  a  series  of  centuries,  as  is  the  case 
with  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  But  it  is  seen 
to-day  just  as  it  was  prepared  by  its  artist  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  ninth  century  B.  C.  It  tells  us  also  that 
the  Moabites  used  the  same  language  and  employed 
the  same  customs  of  warfare  as  their  neighbors  and 
kin,  Israel.  We  are  also  aware  of  the  fact  that  Moab 
in  the  ninth  century  B.  C.  was  not  a  barbarous,  but 
a  progressively  civilized  people. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

SHALMANESER  II  AND  TRIBUTARY  ISRAEL 

129.  The  fame  of  Omri,  first  king  in  the  fourth 
dynasty  of  Israel,  had  reached  all  the  surrounding 
nations.  His  influence  at  the  court  of  Sidon  had 
favorably  introduced  his  son  Ahab  and  secured 
for  him  matrimonial  alliance  with  the  royal  house. 
His  vigorous  campaigns  east  of  the  Jordan  had  gained 
for  him  large  tribute,  and  in  the  settlement  of  ac- 
quired possessions,  an  outlet  for  his  surplus  popula- 
tion. The  strength  of  his  new  capital,  Samaria,  and 
his  ability  in  organizing  and  building  up  his  kingdom, 
had  doubtless  been  carried  to  the  distant  capitals  of 
the  Assyrians,  for  we  find  in  their  inscriptions  of  the 
next  two  hundred  years  that  Canaan  was  designated 
as  "the  land  of  Omri,"  "the  land  of  the  house  of 
Omri."  Early  in  his  reign  the  power  of  Assyria 
began  to  grow.  The  first  great  king  in  this  new 
epoch  was  Assurnatsirpal  (884-860  B.  C).  His  con- 
quests swept  westward  to  the  shores  of  the  Medi- 
terranean Sea,  but  left  Syria  and  Israel  practically 
undisturbed.  The  invincible  character  of  his  army, 
however,  sounded  a  note  of  alarm  to  these  kingdoms, 
whose  political  schemes  for  more  than  two  centuries 
had  been  free  to  run  their  own  course. 

148 


HINT  AT  ASSYRIA'S  POWER  149 

130.  The  ^on  and  successor  of  Assurnatsirpal,  Shal- 
maneser,  came  to  the  throne  and  ruled  for  thirty- 
five  years  (860-825  B.  C).  His  administrative  powers 
were  early  exerted  in  maintaining  the  unity  of  his 
father's  realm.  His  military  campaigns  reached  the 
number  of  twenty-six^  several  of  which  are  of  especial 
interest  to  students  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  first 
intimation  of  his  dangerous  approach  to  Israel  ap- 
pears in  1  Kings  xx.  34.  Here  we  learn  that  Ahab  had 
defeated  Ben-hadad  in  battle;  or,  rather,  Syria  had 
fled  at  the  supposed  sound  of  Israel's  approaching 
allies.  A  second  battle  is  fought  in  the  plain  near 
Aphek,  where  the  God  of  the  Hebrews,  being  a  God 
of  the  hills,  as  the  Syrians  supposed,  would  be  pow- 
erless to  help.  The  Syrian  king  and  army,  however, 
met  a  disastrous  defeat.  Ben-hadad,  at  the  counsel 
of  his  officers,  came  out  of  his  hiding-place  and  pre- 
sented himself,  with  a  rope  about  his  neck  as  an  ap- 
peal for  mercy,  to  Ahab  of  Israel.  So  far  as  can  be 
judged  from  the  Kings  record,  Ben-hadad  was  not 
subjected  to  the  indignities  which  he,  as  a  captive, 
should  have  received.  More  than  that,  Ahab  gave 
him  large  quarter,  and  began  negotiations  which  re- 
sulted in  a  treaty.  Some  of  the  stipulations  of  this 
document  were  that  Ben-hadad  should  restore  cities 
which  his  father  had  wrested  from  Ahab's  father, 
Omri,  and  that  Israel  should  now  have  streets  in 
Damascus,  as  Syria  formerly  had  had  in  Samaria, 
probably  as  depots  or  commercial  sales-houses. 


150  WHY  TREAT  WITH  SYRIA? 

131.  There  must  have  been  in  this  treaty,  either 
expressed  or  implied,  another  important  provision. 
How  did  Ahab  show  such  leniency  toward  Syria? 
Why  did  he  not  demand  the  surrender  of  Damascus, 
or  some  other  thing  commensurate  with  the  weight 
of  his  victory?  Upon  an  examination  of  the  political 
horizon,  we  determine  that  Ahab  was  not  yet  ready 
to  commit  national  suicide,  and  that  he  exhibited 
in  this  treaty  some  of  the  best  traits  of  statesman- 
ship. If  this  event  is  properly  located  as  to  time, 
we  find  that  the  great  Shalmaneser  II  of  Assyria, 
with  his  almost  invincible  troops  is  sweeping  the 
country  east  of  the  Euphrates;  that  his  army  is  bent 
on  a  western  campaign;  and  that  the  political  skies 
are  darkened  by  the  ominous  clouds  of  an  invasion. 
Syria,  as  centered  at  Damascus,  was  the  only  barrier 
between  Ahab  and  this  portent  of  destruction.  To 
have  cut  down  Ben-hadad  and  leveled  this  breast- 
work would  have  been  the  height  of  folly,  and  the 
shortest  road  to  national  disaster.  This  treaty,  which 
preserved  intact  the  king  and  kingdom  of  Damas- 
cus, was  AhaVs  best  defense  for  his  own  people  and 
realm. 

132.  Another  evidence  of  the  truth  of  what  has 
just  been  said  is  found  in  an  inscription  of  this  same 
Shalmaneser  II  (III  Rawl.  8,  78-102) : 

*'  In  the  eponym-year  of  Dayan-Asshur  (854  b.  c),  on  the 
fourteenth  day  of  the  month  lyyar  (about  May),  I  left 
Nineveh,  crossed  the  Tigris  river,  and  advanced  against 


PORTRAIT  OF   SHALMANESER   II 
(With  an  inscription  cnt  across  it) 


shalmaneser's  record  151 

cities  of  Giammu,  on  the  river  Balich.  They  feared  the 
awe  of  my  majesty,  and  the  terror  of  my  powerful  weapons ; 
and  they  slew  with  their  own  arms  Giammu,  their  lord. 
I  entered  Kitlala  and  Til-sha-balachi.  I  set  up  my  gods 
in  his  temples,  and  in  his  palaces  I  made  a  feast.  I  opened 
his  storehouse,  beheld  his  treasures,  carried  away  his  sub- 
stance and  goods  as  spoil,  and  brought  them  to  my  own 
city  of  Asshur.  From  Kitlala  I  set  out,  and  approached 
Fort  Shalmaneser.  In  boats  [or  floats]  of  sheepskin  I  crossed 
for  the  second  time  the  Euphrates  river  at  its  flood.  The 
tribute  of  the  kings  on  the  farther  side  of  the  Euphrates, 
of  Sangar  of  Carchemish,  of  Kundashpi  of  Kumukh,  of  Arame 
son  of  Gusi,  Lalli  of  Milid,  of  Chayani  son  of  Gabari,  of  Kal- 
paruda  of  Chattin,  of  Kalparuda  of  Gurgum :  silver,  gold, 
lead,  copper,  vessels  of  copper,  I  received  at  Asshur-utir- 
atsbat  on  the  further  side  of  the  Euphrates,  in  the  city  of 
Shagur,  which  the  Hittites  call  Pitru  (Pethor,  Num.  xxii.  5). 
I  set  out  from  the  river  Euphrates,  and  drew  near  to  Chal- 
man  (Aleppo).  They  feared  to  contend  with  me,  and  em- 
braced my  feet.  I  received  silver  and  gold  as  their  tribute, 
and  sacrificed  before  Ramman  of  Chalman. 

"  I  marched  forth  from  Aleppo.  I  approached  the  cities 
of  Irchulina  of  the  land  of  Hamath.  I  captured  Adinnu, 
Mashga,  and  his  royal  city  Argana.  I  set  out  from  Argana 
and  arrived  at  Karkar.  Karkar,  his  royal  city,  I  destroyed, 
razed,  and  burnt  with  fire.  Twelve  hundred  chariots,  1,200 
cavalry,  20,000  soldiers  of  Hadadezer  of  Damascus,  700  char- 
iots, 700  cavalry,  10,000  soldiers  of  Irchulina  of  Hamath,  2,000 
chariots,  and  10,000  soldiers  of  Ahab  of  Israel  {A-ha-ab-bu- 
mat  Sir-'i-la-aa) ;  500  soldiers  of  the  land  of  Kue;  1,000 
soldiers  of  the  land  of  Mutsri ;  10  chariots  and  10,000  soldiers 
of  the  land  of  Irkanati ;  200  soldiers  of  Matinu-Baal  of  the 
land  of  Arvad ;  200  soldiers  of  the  land  of  Usanata ;  30  char- 
iots, 10,000  soldiers  of  Adunu-Baal  of  f;he  land  of  Shian; 

1,000  camels  of  Gindibu'u  of  the  land  of  Arabia, 

1,000  soldiers  of  Ba'asha  son  of  Ruchubi  (Rehob)  of  the  land 
of  Ammon,  —  those  twelve  [eleven]  kings  he  took  to  himself 
as  allies ;  and  they  marched  forth  to  fight  with  me  in  battle. 


152  THE  CONFEDERATION  OP  ALLIES 

With  the  splendid  forces  which  the  lord  Asshur  gave  me, 
with  the  powerful  arms  which  Nergal,  who  marched  before 
me  bestowed,  I  fought  with  them;  from  Karkar  to  Gilza 
I  routed  them ;  14,000  of  their  fighting  men  I  brought  down 
with  the  sword.  Like  Ramman  (the  weather  god)  I  poured 
upon  them  a  flood  [of  troops] ;  scattered  their  corpses  far 
and  wide,  covered  the  surface  of  the  plain  with  their  numer- 
ous troops,  poured  out  their  blood  with  the  sword 

I  reached  the  Orontes  before  turning  back.  In  that  battle 
I  took  from  them  their  chariots,  their  cavalry  horses,  and 
their  draught  horses." 

133.  This  quite  full  account  of  the  second  cam- 
paign of  Shalmaneser  into  the  West-land  pictures  the 
attempt  of  the  allied  forces  to  withstand  him.  The 
number  of  slain  in  this  battle  is  told  in  a  briefer 
record  on  the  obelisk  as  20,500  men,  while  another 
account  gives  the  number  as  25,000.  The  Assyrians 
advanced  as  far  as  the  Orontes  River  before  they 
turned  back.  The  real  issue  of  the  battle  is  not  told. 
It  seems  that  it  must  have  been  a  draw,  as  no  immedi- 
ate advantage,  toward  the  South,  at  least,  was  taken 
by  Shalmaneser. 

134.  The  composition  of  the  allied  troops  is  most 
interesting.  It  is  evident  that  the  advance  of  Assyria 
into  this  territory  aroused  great  consternation  among 
its  peoples,  who  united  their  military  strength  and 
succeeded  in  putting  a  temporary  check,  at  least, 
on  the  vaulting  ambition  of  this  new  Assyrian  mon- 
arch. In  this  arm}'^  we  discover  the  largest  com- 
panies of  troops  under  the  king  of  Hamath,  the  king 
of  Damascus,  and  under  Ahab  of  Israel.     The  first 


SYRIA  AND  ISRAEL  AT  WAR  153 

name  in  the  list  is  that  of  the  king  of  Damascus, 
etymologically  the  same  as  Ben-hadad,  the  peoples 
with  whom  Ahab  made  his  treaty  already  noted.  He 
joined  common  cause  with  all  the  provinces  on  the 
east  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  to  repel  a  common 
enemy  and  invader.  In  this  army  we  find  also  the 
Mutsri  from  Cappadocia,  several  detachments  from 
the  Phoenician  coast,  Ammonites  from  the  edge  of  the 
Syrian  desert,  and  Arabs  from  the  desert  itself. 
Shalmaneser's  loss  is  not  given,  but  his  advantage 
was  so  small  that  he  did  not  return  to  this  territory 
for  five  years. 

135.  Although  the  kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Syria 
were  usually  at  swords'  points,  the  evidence  goes  to 
show  that  the  advance  of  Shalmaneser  forced  an  alli- 
ance between  these  kingdoms.  We  ascertain  in  1 
Kings  xxii.  that  after  a  peace  of  three  years  between 
these  powers,  war  again  broke  out,  and  Syria  again 
ravaged  the  East-Jordanic  territory.  If  the  battle 
of  Karkar  occurred  in  854  B.  C,  we  must  set  the 
death  of  Ahab  at  least  three  years  later,  851  B.  C, 
for  at  this  time  S5rria  and  Israel  were  in  mortal  com- 
bat at  Eamoth-gilead,  east  of  the  Jordan.  In  two 
subsequent  campaigns  of  Shalmaneser,  we  read  of 
coalitions  between  the  western  provinces,  but  none 
in  which  Israel  is  mentioned. 

136.  Hazael  of  Damascus,  who  secured  the  throne 
of  Syria  by  smothering  his  master,  Ben-hadad  (2 
Kings  viii.),  plays  a  large  part  in  some  of  Shahnan- 


154  HAZAEL  AND   SHALMANESER 

eser's  campaigns.  Mention  cannot  be  made  here  of 
several  expeditions  between  854  and  842  B.  C,  as 
they  did  not  bear  directly  on  Israel.  But  in  842  the 
Assyrian  monarch  advanced  directly  against  this 
Hazael  of  Damascus.  His  own  record  on  a  pave- 
ment slab  from  Calah  tells  the  story  (III  Eawl.  5, 
No.  6,  40-65) : 

"  In  the  eighteenth  year  of  my  reign  I  crossed  the  Euphra- 
tes for  the  sixteenth  time.  Hazael  of  Damascus  trusted  in 
the  power  of  his  forces,  marshalled  his  troops  in  full  strength. 
He  made  Senir  (Hermon,  cf.  Deut.  iii.  9),  the  summit  of  the 
mountain  opposite  Lebanon,  his  stronghold.  With  him  I 
fought,  and  defeated  him.  Six  thousand  of  his  soldiers  I 
brought  down  with  weapons ;  1,121  of  his  chariots,  470  of  his 
horses,  together  with  his  camp,  I  took  from  him.  To  save 
his  life  he  fled  ;  I  pursued  him  ;  in  Damascus,  his  royal  city, 
I  shut  him  up.  His  plantations  I  destroyed.  As  far  as  the 
mountains  of  Hauran  I  marched.  Towns  without  number 
I  laid  waste,  razed,  and  burnt  with  fire.  Their  innumerable 
spoil  I  carried  away.  As  far  as  to  the  mountains  of  Baal- 
Rosh,  situated  close  to  the  sea  (the  headland  at  Dog  River), 
I  marched.  My  royal  image  I  set  up  in  that  place.  At  that 
time  I  received  the  tribute  of  the  Tyrians  and  Sidonians, 
and  of  Jehu  the  son  of  Omri." 

137.  In  this  sixteenth  campaign  we  find  Shalman- 
eser  reducing  Damascus,  the  Hauran,  and  all  the  ter- 
ritory to  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Among  his  tribu- 
tary princes  or  kings  we  find  the  name  of  "Jehu  son 
of  Omri"  of  Israel.  The  black  obelisk  of  Shalman- 
eser,  which  represents  both  in  word  and  in  pictures 
several  nations  who  paid  him  tribute,  presents  us 
a  line  of  tribute-bearing    personages  loaded    down 


THE  BLACK  OBELISK  OF  SHALMANESER  II 


THE  MOABITE  STONE 
(Of  the  Ninth  Century  B.  C.) 


*'JEHU  SON  OP  OMRl"  155 

with  goods,  while  over  them  we  find  this  inscrip- 
tion: "The  tribute  of  Jehu  the  son  of  Omri,  sil- 
ver, gold,  basins  of  gold,  bowls  of  gold,  cups  of 
gold,  buckets  of  gold,  lead,  a  royal  sceptre, 
staves,  I  received/^  There  is  no  biblical  or  As- 
S3Tian  record  of  any  defeat  of  Jehu  before  Shal- 
maneser,  nor  is  there  evidence  that  he  was  merely 
paying  the  tribute  of  his  predecessors  on  the  throne. 
The  dangerous  approach  of  Shalmaneser,  and  the 
invincible  character  of  his  army,  forwarned  Jehu 
that  his  surest  method  of  deliverance  would  be  to 
dispatch  his  envoys,  even  if  he  himself  did  not  go, 
and  pay  the  price  of  submission.  "The  son  of  Omri" 
has  no  more  significance  than  to  designate  Jehu  as 
Omri's  successor  on  the  throne  of  Israel. 

138.  The  perpetual  enmity  existent  between  Israel 
and  Syria  may  have  led  Jehu  to  hope  to  form  some 
sort  of  an  alliance  with  Shalmaneser  whereby  he  could 
gain  an  advantage  over  Hazael.  In  another,  and  the 
last  campaign  against  Hazael,  in  839  B.  C,  we  find 
the  Tyrians  and  Sidonians  again  paying  tribute, 
though  no  mention  is  made  of  Jehu.  Whatever  may 
have  induced  Jehu  to  court  the  favor  of  Shalmaneser 
in  842  B.  C,  it  is  practically  certain  that  that  act 
did  not  protect  him  from  the  incursions  of  Syria.  For 
in  2  Kings  x.  32,  33,  we  read :  "In  those  days  Jehovah 
began  to  cut  Israel  short :  and  Hazael  smote  them  in 
all  the  coasts  of  Israel;  from  Jordan  eastward,  all 
the  land  of  Gilead,  the  Gadites,  and  the  Eeubenites, 


156  ISRAEL'S  HUMILIATION 

and  the  Manassites,  from  Aroer,  which  is  by  the 
valley  of  Arnon,  even  Gilead  and  Bashan."  The 
withdrawal  of  Shalmaneser  from  the  West-land  gave 
Hazael  wide  opportunity  to  develop  his  ambitious 
designs.  His  army,  after  subjugating  the  whole 
of  the  East-Jordanic  territory,  turned  westward. 
Israel's  complete  overthrow  seemed  near  at  hand. 
Hazael  crossed  the  land  of  Judah,  stormed  and  cap- 
tured Gath,  one  of  the  great  fortresses  of  Philistia, 
and  even  dictated  terms  to  Jerusalem,  the  capital 
of  Judah.  Thus  the  hostility  between  Jehu  and 
Hazael  resulted  in  the  humiliation  and  defeat  of  the 
former,  and  in  the  growth  and  development  of  Syria 
beyond  any  other  period  of  her  history. 

139.  Subsequent  events  in  the  kingdom  of  Israel 
add  only  to  the  harsh  treatment  she  had  received  at 
the  hands  of  Syria.  The  record  in  2  Kings  xiii.  7 
says  that  "there  had  been  left  to  Jehoahaz  of  the 
people  only  fifty  horsemen  and  ten  chariots  and  ten 
thousand  footmen;  for  the  king  of  Syria  [Ben-hadad 
III,  son  of  Hazael]  had  made  them  to  be  trodden 
down  like  dust."  While  during  the  reign  of  Ahab 
she  was  able  to  take  her  place  as  one  of  the  three 
strongest  allies  against  Shalmaneser  at  Karkar,  Israel 
is  now  nothing  more  than  a  small  province  of  Syria, 
absolutely  under  her  will  and  control.  This  sore 
condition  of  things  brought  her  to  her  knees,  to  im- 
plore the  mercy  and  aid  of  Jehovah  (2  Kings  xiii. 


RAMMAN-NIRARl'S  CONQUESTS  157 

4,  5).     "We  find  that  a  deliverer  was  granted,  but  who 
was  he?  and  whence  did  he  come? 

140.  The  West-land  remained  undisturbed  by  As- 
syria for  about  forty  years,  from  the  middle  of  Shal- 
maneser's  reign  to  that  of  his  grandson,  Eamman- 
nirari  (810-781).  That  conqueror  extended  his 
boundaries  beyond  those  of  any  previous  king.  At 
least  five  campaigns  were  conducted  for  the  conquest 
of  these  western  regions.  His  campaigns  of  804-797 
B.  C.  decided  the  fate  of  Phoenicia,  Syria,  and  Pales- 
tine. His  own  epitomized  story  is  as  follows  (III 
Rawl.  35,10-18): 

"  As  far  as  the  shores  of  the  great  sea  at  the  rising  of  the 
sun,  from  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  the  land  of  the  Hit- 
tites,  the  land  of  the  Amorites  to  its  farthest  limits,  the  land 
of  Tyre,  the  land  of  Omri,  the  land  of  Edom,  the  land  of  the 
Philistines,  as  far  as  the  shores  of  the  great  sea  (Mediter- 
ranean) at  the  setting  of  the  sun,  I  subjected  [them  all] 
to  my  yoke,  tribute  and  presents  I  required  of  them. 
Against  the  land  of  Syria  I  marched;  Mari',  the  king 
of  the  land  of  Syria,  I  shut  up  in  Damascus,  his  royal  city. 
The  terror  of  the  majesty  of  Asshur,  his  lord,  overwhelmed 
him ;  he  embraced  my  feet,  he  became  a  vassal." 

141.  This  account  tells  us  that  the  rival  power, 
Damascus,  was  crushed,  that  Israel  was  released  from 
the  immediate  presence  of  a  dangerous  foe,  and  that 
the  entire  east  coast-line  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea 
was  compelled  to  yield  submission  to  the  king  of 
Assyria.  The  tenor  of  the  record  of  the  Assyrian 
king  leads  us  to  conclude  that  of  all  his  conquests, 


158  SYRIA  CRUSHED 

that  of  Syria  and  Damascus  was  the  most  impori:ant. 
Its  subjection  meant  not  only  release  for  Israel,  but 
freedom  in  the  immediate  future  to  extend  their 
power  and  increase  their  revenues.  Without  the 
statement  of  the  definite  facts  in  the  fragmentary 
inscriptions  of  this  king,  it  is  probable  that  Ramman- 
nirari  exercised  his  sway  and  collected  his  tribute  un- 
til the  time  of  his  death  (781  B.  C).  The  expansion 
of  Israel  under  Jeroboam  II,  and  of  Judah  under 
Uzziah,  occurred  during  the  following  decades  of  in- 
activity on  the  part  of  the  kings  of  Assyria. 


CHAPTEK   XIV 

TIGLATH-PILESER  III  AND  THE  WARRmG  JEWISH 
KINGDOMS 

142.  After  the  death  of  Eamman-nirari  (810-781 
B.  C),  the  next  three  kings  of  Assyria  employed  their 
mediocre  strength  and  all  their  time  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  their  capitals.  The  West-land  was  prac- 
tically abandoned  to  the  will  of  its  populations.  Ar- 
menia especially  was  the  object  of  Assyrian  conquests, 
though  its  resistance  was  so  formidable  as  to  force 
Assyria  to  withdraw  from  the  field.  Armenian  docu- 
ments preserve  for  us  that  side  of  the  question,  and 
show  that  Armenia  assumed  even  an  offensive  atti- 
tude toward  the  Assyrian  provinces  in  the  North. 
The  weakness  of  the  Assyrian  kingdom  is  apparent 
when  it  is  said  that  the  monarchs  were  barely  able 
to  hold  their  own  in  their  capital.  Their  inaction 
certainly  reveals  a  condition  which  might  seriously 
endanger  the  permanency  and  perpetuity  of  the 
Assyrians  as  a  world-power. 

143.  But  this  period  of  Assyrian  inactivity  was  the 
opportunity  of  the  West-land.  Jeroboam  II,  the 
fourth  king  in  the  dynasty  of  Jehu,  who  began  to 
reign  about  the  time  of  the  death  of  Eamman-nirari, 

159 


160  ISRAEL'S  EXPANSION 

rose  to  the  occasion.  The  chastisement  and  humili- 
ation of  the  kingdom  of  Syria  by  the  late  Assyrian 
king  opened  a  door  for  Israel's  expansion.  Jeroboam 
not  only  recovered  the  Israelitish  territory  which  had 
fallen  subject  to  Syria,  but  engaged  in  campaigns 
directly  against  her.  His  marvelous  military  suc- 
cesses carried  his  arms  and  planted  them  on  the  banks 
of  the  Euphrates,  and  at  Hamath,  in  northern  Syria. 
On  the  east  of  the  Jordan  also  he  conquered  the 
Moabites,  and  set  his  southern  boundaries  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  This  immense  territory 
gave  Israel  her  largest  realm  and  made  possible  for 
her  the  natural  development  of  her  resources.  This 
expansion  of  territory  soon  resulted  in  increased 
revenues,  in  larger  influence  over  her  neighbors,  and 
in  more  abundant  leisure  and  luxury.  These  com- 
mercial and  social  conditions  and  their  direful  re- 
sults are  set  forth  in  the  gruesome  pictures  of  Amos 
and  Hosea. 

144.  The  kingdom  of  Judah,  now  under  the  reign 
of  Uzziah,  likewise  took  advantage  of  the  decline  of 
S3rria  and  the  absence  of  Assyria.  The  two  kings, 
contemporaries,  and  on  peaceful  terms,  were  almost 
equally  victorious  in  their  respective  spheres.  Uzziah 
wholly  conquered  the  Philistines,  and  the  peoples  to 
the  south  and  southeast,  until  he  reached  practically 
the  southern  boundaries  of  the  old  Solomonic  realm. 
This  territory  and  people  he  thoroughly  organized. 
He  established  a  large   and  well-trained  standing 


ACME  OP  PROSPERITY  161 

army,  to  meet  all  emergencies  that  might  endanger 
a  kingdom  like  his.  He  strengthened  the  fortifica- 
tions of  Jerusalem  by  adding  to  its  defenses  some  of 
the  most  formidable  weapons  of  his  times.  His  inter- 
est in  the  direct  welfare  of  his  people  is  seen  in  the 
fact  that  "he  hewed  out  many  cisterns,  for  he  had 
much  cattle"  (2  Chron.  xxvi.  10),  and  thus  took  a 
lively  interest  in  husbandry  and  agriculture. 

145.  The  two  kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Judah,  under 
Jeroboam  II  and  Uzziah  respectivel}^,  mark  the  acme 
of  political  and  commercial  prosperity  of  the  divided 
kingdom.  Their  combined  territory  was  now  almost 
coterminous  with  the  Davidic  and  Solomonic  realm. 
Their  opportunity  was  due  to  the  former  great  power 
of  Assyria  in  crushing  Syria,  and  her  present  inac- 
tivity in  the  West-land.  This  prosperity,  especially 
of  Israel,  led  to  her  decay,  while  that  of  Judah  was 
followed  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  by  disastrous  species  of 
idolatries  and  by  rebellion  against  Jehovah. 

146.  The  precarious  health  of  the  Assyrian  king- 
dom was  entirely  restored  by  the  accession^  probably, 
usurpation,  of  the  throne  by  Pulu,  or  as  he  chose  to 
call  himself,  Tiglath-pileser  III  (745-727  B.  C). 
This  king  took  hold  of  affairs  with  a  new  grip.  He 
shook  up  the  dry  bones  of  the  last  thirty-five  years, 
and  inaugurated  a  new  and  aggressive  policy.  He 
made  rapid  work  of  his  conquests  throughout  his 
realm.  His  plans  of  organization  and  government 
differed  from  those  of  all  his  predecessors.     They  so 


162  TIGLATH-PILESER  IN  THE  WEST 

unified  and  strengthened  his  hold  upon  his  peoples 
that  the  Assyrian  seemed  for  once  to  be  permanently 
established.  His  policy  of  deportation  of  rebellious 
subjects  and  of  the  importation  of  foreign  subjects  to 
take  their  place,  was  continued  by  successive  Assyrian 
rulers  with  the  best  of  results.  In  addition  to  this, 
Tiglath-pileser  established  in  his  vassal  states,  wher- 
ever possible,  a  civil  in  place  of  a  military  administra- 
tion, one  in  which  the  populace  would  have  some  part 
or  word.  Of  course,  we  cannot  indicate  here  the 
merest  outlines  of  the  healthful  influence  of  these 
governmental  reforms. 

147.  The  first  two  years  of  Tiglath-pileser's  reign 
were  occupied  in  settling  affairs,  quelling  uprisings, 
and  establishing  his  authority  in  Mesopotamia,  even 
down  to  the  south  of  Babylon.  For  the  next  three 
3^ears  (743-740)  he  was  engaged  about  Arpad,  in 
Northern  Syria,  both  in  taking  its  adjacent  territory 
and  in  storming  that  city.  It  finally  fell,  and  Assyria 
became  master  of  all  the  adjoining  communities. 
The  Hittite  peoples  on  the  Orontes  and  in  northern 
Syria  rendered  submission,  and  were  made  a  part  of 
the  Assyrian  domain  (739  B.  C).  In  the  next  year 
of  his  reign  Tiglath-pileser  made  further  additions  to 
his  realm.  As  one  of  the  results  of  this  campaign,  his 
own  records  say  (III  Eawl.  9,  No.  3,  30-32) :  '^Nine- 
teen  districts  belonging  to  Hamath,  together  with  the 
towns  in  their  circuit,  situated  on  the  sea  of  the 
setting  sun  (Mediterranean),  which  in  their  faithless- 


WESTERN  REALM  OP  ASSYRIA  163 

ness  had  revolted  against  Azariah,  I  restored  to  the 
territory  of  the  land  of  Asshnr;  my  officers,  my  gov- 
ernors I  placed  over  them."  One  of  the  peculiar 
statements  of  this  inscription  is  the  remark  that  peo- 
ples near  Hamath  had  revolted  against  Azariah. 
Who  was  this  Azariah?  Another  fragment  of  an 
inscription  settles  the  question  when  it  says  (III 
Eawl.  9,  No.  2,  2-3) :  "In  the  course  of  my  campaign 
[I  received]  tribute  of  the  kings  (?):  [Azar]iah, 
the  Judean,"  etc.  It  seems,  then,  that  Uzziah  of 
Judah  must  have  had  some  negotiations  with  Jero- 
boam II,  whereby  he  had  secured  control  or  a  pro- 
tectorate over  territory  in  the  far  North.  The  occu- 
pants of  this  territory  had  thrown  off  the  yoke  of 
Judah,  but  were  reduced  by  Tiglath-pileser  to  vas- 
salage to  Assyria. 

148.  In  the  same  year  (738)  Tiglath-pileser  moved 
southward  against  Palestine.  In  2  Kings  xv.  19-20 
we  find:  "Then  came  Pul,  king  of  Assyria,  against 
the  land,  and  Menahem  gave  to  Pul  a  thousand  talents 
of  silver  that  his  hand  might  be  with  him  to  confirm 
the  kingdom  in  his  hand.  And  Menahem  exacted 
the  money  of  Israel,  even  of  all  the  mighty  men  of 
wealth,  of  each  man  fifty  shekels  of  silver,  to  give 
to  the  king  of  Assyria.  So  the  king  of  Assyria  turned 
back,  and  stayed  not  there  in  the  land."  The 
Assyrian  annals  of  Tiglath-pileser  from  this  time 
specify  (Layard  Inscrip.  50,  10)  that  he  "received  the 
tribute  of  Kushtashpi  of  Kumukli,Rezonof  Damascus,- 


164  A  SUCCESSION  OF  KINGS 

Menahem  of  Samaria,  Hiram  of  Tyre,"  etc.  These 
statements  inform  us  that  Menahem  of  Israel,  at  least, 
could  not  occupy  the  throne  without  paying  the  price 
of  that  position,  without  turning  over  to  Assyria  a 
guarantee  of  his  submission.  The  amount  of  money 
was  simply  enormous,  nearly  if  not  quite  one  and  one- 
half  million  dollars. 

This  story  tells  us  that  the  northern  kingdom  was 
nothing  more  nor  less  than  a  vassal  province  of  the 
empire  of  Assyria.  With  a  vast  amount  of  booty,  and 
guarantees  of  submission  on  the  part  of  these  western 
provinces,  including  Phoenicia,  Syria  and  northern 
Palestine,  Tiglath-pileser  returned  to  his  capital  on 
the  Tigris.  From  this  point  he  carried  campaigns 
over  into  Media  and  annexed  large  portions  of  that 
land  to  his  imperial  domain.  Toward  the  North  he 
chastised  and  partially  annexed  Armenia.  In  734  he 
turned  again  toward  the  great  West-land,  from  which 
three  years  before  he  had  transferred  to  the  capacious 
coffers  of  Assyria  such  enormous  treasures. 

149.  The  thrones  of  the  Israelitish  kings  suffered 
frequent  changes.  Jotham  of  Judah,  whose  reign 
was  mostly  contemporaneous  with  the  leprous  days  of 
IJzziah,  his  father,  died  in  young  manhood  only  a 
year  or  so  after  his  father.  His  successor  was  the 
youth  Ahaz,  a  character  famed  for  his  notorious 
wickedness.  The  throne  of  Israel  was  occupied  at 
Menahem's  death  by  Pekahiah,  his  son,  who  in  turn 
was  slain  by  Pekah,  a  general  in  the  northern  army. 


ISAIAH  AND  DISTRESS  165 

These  changes  only  complicated  a  distressing  condi- 
tion of  affairs  and  sapped  Israel's  power  of  resistance 
to  any  foreign  invader  or  conqueror.  There  was  also 
a  longing  look  toward  Egypt  as  the  place  of  possible 
deliverance  from  the  Assyrian  oppressor. 

150.  But  Assyria  had  its  hand  on  the  country. 
The  political  and  social  distress  of  the  northern  king- 
dom is  vividly  portrayed  in  the  hook  of  Hosea  (chaps. 
iv.-xiv.).  The  southern  kingdom,  with  all  its  sturdy 
kings,  its  great  outward  prosperity,  and  its  apparent 
conservatism,  now  fell  into  young  and  weak  hands. 
Its  very  prosperity  as  that  in  the  northern  kingdom 
had  supplied  the  means  for  the  luxury  and  corruption 
which  followed  with  such  disaster.  In  this  same 
period  we  have  the  beginnings  of  the  prophecies  of 
Isaiah.  His  spiritual  perception  discerned  the  trend 
of  affairs,  and  his  words  from  Jehovah  gave  wise  coun- 
sel in  the  face  of  the  impending  calamities.  The 
invasion  of  the  Syrian,  and  the  Ass3rrian  hosts,  and 
the  futility  of  a  league  with  Egypt,  are  all  open  to 
his  keen  sense  of  the  situation. 

151.  Early  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  Pekah  of  the 
northern  kingdom  and  Eezin  of  Damascus  made  a 
league  and  probably  rebelled  against  Tiglath-pileser. 
These  two  kings,  it  seems,  attempted  to  force  Ahaz 
into  such  a  coalition.  Isaiah's  admonition  (chap, 
vii.)  was  that  he  should  quietly  trust  in  Jehovah  and 
let  him  control  affairs,  but  the  formidable  front  of 
the  allies,  and  his  vain  endeavor  to  repel  their  ad- 


166        AHAZ  APPEALS  TO  ASSYRIA 

vances,  finally  drove  him  to  take  refuge  in  his  capital 
fortress.  A  portion  of  the  Syrian  troops  and  the 
Edomites  combined  and  captured  Elath  on  the  gulf 
of  Akaba.  The  allies  gradually  advanced  against  the 
city  itself.  Ahaz  now  reduced  in  territory  almost  to 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem  itself,  was  in  great  terror. 
Even  the  strong  words  of  Isaiah  were  of  no  encourage- 
ment to  him.  To  prevent  a  crushing  defeat  and 
humiliation  at  the  hands  of  the  allied  troops  now 
moving  on  the  city  Ahaz  made  a  frantic  appeal  to 
Tiglath-pileser,  whose  advance  in  the  North  was  creat- 
ing alarm.  The  purport  of  his  appeal  may  be  seen  in 
his  own  words  (2  Kings  xvi.  7;  2  Chron.  xxviii.  16): 
"I  am  thy  slave  and  thy  son."  These  words  are  a 
surrender  of  his  realm  and  a  guarantee  of  submission 
and  tribute — these  in  spite  of  Isaiah's  protest  and 
prophecies. 

152.  Tiglath-pileser's  campaign  had  for  its  pur- 
pose the  resubjugation  and  organization  of  all  the 
West-land,  and  still  more,  the  conquest  of  Egypt. 
His  campaign  of  738  had  accomplished  much,  but 
this  one  of  734  had  for  its  purpose  the  securing  and 
completion  of  that  earlier  expedition.  His  line  of 
march  seems  to  have  been  down  the  sea-coast  as  far 
as  Carmel.  Thence  he  entered  Palestine  through  the 
valley  of  Jezreel  and  raided  all  of  the  neighboring 
country.  The  royal  annalist  in  2  Kings  (xv.  29) 
says :  "In  the  days  of  Pekah,  king  of  Israel,  Tiglath- 
pileser,  king  of  Assyria,  came  and  took  Ijon  and 


TIGLATH-PILESER   III  (745  27  B.  C.) 
(From  a  portrait  on  the  walls  of  his  palace) 


TIGLATH-PILESER  IN  PALESTINE  167 

Abel-beth-maacah,  and  Janoah  and  Kedesh,  and 
Hazor,  and  Gilead,  and  Galilee,  all  the  land  of 
Naphtali;  and  he  carried  them  captive  to  Assyria?' 
Tiglath-pileser's  own  record,  though  distressingly 
fragmentary,  seems  to  confirm  this  statement  in  that 
it  speaks  of  territory  on  the  borders  of  the  "land  of 
Omri,"  which  was  annexed  to  the  realm  of  Assyria. 

Tiglath-pileser  next  advanced  against  Philistia. 
"Hanno  of  Gaza,"  says  he,  "took  to  flight  before  my 
troops,  and  escaped  into  Egypt."  The  badly  broken 
text  tells  intermittently  how  he  captured  Gaza,  and 
carried  off  vast  sums  of  booty  and  captives  to 
Ass}Tia.  On  this  boundary  line  he  erected  his  statue 
symbolizing  his  sovereignty.  In  this  same  fragment- 
ary inscription  we  come  upon  a  most  interesting  state- 
ment. It  shews  that  the  monarch,  content  with 
his  southern  limits,  turned  his  attention  to  his  rebel- 
lious foes  in  the  North.  His  southern  campaign  had, 
at  least,  prevented  any  alliance  of  his  rebels  with 
Egypt,  and  he  could  take  his  own  course  in  disposing 
of  them.  In  a  fragment  of  the  same  inscription 
quoted  above  he  says  (III  Eawl.  10,  No.  2,  20): 
"Pekah,  their  king,  they  overthrew,  Hoshea  I  ap- 
pointed over  them."  The  biblical  record  (2  Kings 
XV.  30)  says :  "'And  Hoshea  the  son  of  Elah  made  a 
conspiracy  against  Pekah,  the  son  of  Remaliah  and 
smote  him,  and  slew  him,  and  reigned  in  his  stead." 
The  two  records  taken  together  seem  to  state  that 
Hoshea  at  the  instigation  and  promise  of  Tiglath- 


168  DOWNFALL  OP  DAMASCUS 

pileser,  murdered  the  king  of  the  northern  kingdom, 
and  occupied  his  throne. 

153.  The  order  of  Tiglath-pileser's  movements  at 
this  time  is  not  quite  certain.  But  his  next  stroke 
after  a  campaign  against  Arabia  seems  to  have  been 
against  Damascus,  the  headquarters  of  his  chief  rebel, 
Eezin.  This  formidable  capital  and  fortress  was  left 
for  his  last  great  fight.  Outside  of  the  city  he  met 
and  routed  the  Sjrrian  army  (in  733)  and  drove  it 
within  its  walls.  He  states  that  Rezin  fled  "like  a 
hunted  stag  into  the  city  through  its  great  gate," 
where  he  was  "shut  up  like  a  caged  bird."  The 
Ass}Tian  army  laid  waste  all  the  surrounding  coun- 
try, the  parks,  and  the  city  gardens  outside  the  wall. 
Important  residences,  and  hundreds  of  small  towns 
and  villages  in  every  direction  were  captured  and 
pillaged.  The  sixteen  tributary  districts  of  Damas- 
cus were  made  "like  heaps  in  the  wake  of  a  storm- 
flood."  This  harrowing  picture  of  devastation  prac- 
tically concludes  the  fragmentary  record  of  that  cam- 
paign. That  Damascus  was  taken  and  its  peoples 
deported  to  Assyria  seem  implied  in  subsequent 
hints.  And  the  biblical  record  (2  Kings  xvi.  9f .)  con- 
firms this  point:  "And  the  king  of  Assyria  went  up 
against  Damascus,  and  took  it,  and  carried  the  people 
of  it  captive  to  Kir,  and  slew  Eezin." 

154.  This  suppression  of  Pekah  of  Israel  and 
Eezin  of  Damascus  made  Tiglath-pileser  master  of 
this  southern  territory  of  Syria.    The  appeal  of  Ahaz 


TIG.   LORD  OP  THE  WEST-LAND  169 

to  Tiglath-pileser,  though  probably  not  in  its  proper 
chronological  order,  is  noted  in  Kings  just  after  the 
record  of  the  fall  of  Damascus.  The  great  monarch 
is  supposed  to  have  summoned  his  tributary  princes 
and  governors  of  this  West-land  to  appear  before  him 
in  the  midst  of  this  captive  fortress,  Damascus.  One 
of  the  notables  at  this  great  gathering  was  the  king 
of  Judah,  the  ignoble  Ahaz  (2  Kings  xvi.  10).  He 
had  sent  to  Tiglath-pileser  as  a  gift,  "the  silver  and 
the  gold  which  were  found  in  the  house  of  Jehovah 
and  in  the  king's  house."  Probably  this  was  simply 
the  first  installment  of  a  tribute  which  thereafter  he 
paid  annually  into  the  treasury  of  Assyria.  In  a  list 
of  his  western  subjects,  Tiglath-pileser  includes, 
among  a  host  of  others,  these  names  (II  Eawl.  67, 
61-62):  "Matanbi'il  of  Arvad,  Sanipu  of  Ammon, 
Salamanu  of  Moab,  Mitinti  of  Ashkelon,  Ahaz  of 

Judah,  Kaushmalak  of  Edom, Hanno  of 

Gaza.''  These  were  his  tribute-payers,  who  rendered 
the  same  either  as  the  result  of  conquest,  or  of  fear 
before  his  imperial  majesty. 

The  last  reductions  or  submissions  made  by  the 
Assyrian  ruler  were  the  coast  states  of  Phoenicia. 
These  freely  paid  him  an  enormous  tribute,  and  with 
his  vast  treasures  Tiglath-pileser  returned  to  his  east- 
ern capital. 

155.  The  remaining  four  years  of  his  life  were 
spent  in  the  East.  The  peoples  of  Babylonia,  the 
Chaldaeans,  presented  a  very  obstinate  resistance  to 


170  tiglath-pileser's  glory 

his  authority,  but  by  the  end  of  two  years  he  suc- 
ceeded in  establishing  his  power  and  in  so  transport- 
ing the  population  as  to  avoid  immediate  rebellion. 
The  last  two  years  of  his  life  were  spent  in  extend- 
ing his  architectural  schemes,  building  and  beautify- 
ing his  palaces  and  temples,  and  in  recording  the 
annals  of  his  reign.  His  last  days  were  spent  in 
peace  and  quiet,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  well- 
won  victories,  and  his  abundant  resources.  His  reign 
meant  for  Israel  the  end  of  all  independence,  the 
position  of  a  subaltern  after  chastisement,  and  the 
humiliation  of  a  petty  province.  For  Assyria,  his 
reign  meant  strong  organization,  better  unification  of 
the  peoples  conquered,  and  vigorous  transportation  of 
rebels  as  a  prevention  against  future  uprisings. 


CHAPTEE   XV 

SARGON  II  AND  THE  FALL  OP  SAMARIA 

156.  Tiglath-pileser  III  died,  and  was  succeeded, 
probably,  by  his  son,  Shalmaneser  IV  in  727  B.  C. 
Up  to  the  present  time  we  are  so  unfortunate  as  not 
to  have  discovered  any  documents  or  annals  which 
this  king  may  have  prepared.  In  the  Old  Testament, 
however,  we  have  two  distinct  references  to  him  and 
to  the  part  that  he  took  in  the  final  overthrow  of 
Samaria.  The  Israelitish  king  on  the  throne  was 
Hoshea,  the  appointee  of  Tiglath-pileser  (152). 
Shalmaneser's  relation  with  Hoshea  is  summed  up 
in  these  biblical  statements  (2  Kings  xvii.  3-6):  "[3] 
Against  him  [Hoshea]  came  up  Shalmaneser,  king  of 
Assyria;  and  Hoshea  became  his  servant,  and  brought 
him  presents.  [4]  And  the  king  of  Ass3rria  found 
conspiracy  in  Hoshea;  for  he  had  sent  messengers 
to  So  (or  Seve),  king  of  Egypt,  and  offered  no  present 
to  the  king  of  Assyria,  as  he  had  done  year  by  year : 
therefore  the  king  of  Assyria  shut  him  up,  and  bound 
him  in  prison.  [5]  Then  the  king  of  Assyria  came 
up  throughout  all  the  land,  and  went  up  to  Samaria, 
and  besieged  it  three  years.  [6]  In  the  ninth  year 
of  Hoshea,  the  king  of  Assyria  took  Samaria,  and 

171 


172  EGYPT  ON  THE  HORIZON' 

carried  Israel  away  unto  Assyria,  and  placed  them 
in  Halah,  and  in  Habor,  on  the  river  of  Gozan,  and 
in  the  cities  of  the  Medes."  The  next  account  is 
found  in  connection  with  Hezekiah's  reign  (2  Kings 
xviii.  9-11).  [9]  And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  fourth 
year  of  king  Hezekiah,  which  was  the  seventh  year 
of  Hoshea,  son  of  Elah,  king  of  Israel,  that  Shalman- 
eser,  king  of  Assyria,  came  up  against  Samaria  and 
besieged  it.  [10]  And  at  the  end  of  three  years  they 
took  it:  even  in  the  sixth  year  of  Hezekiah,  which 
was  the  ninth  year  of  Hoshea,  king  of  Israel,  Samaria 
was  taken.  [11]  And  the  king  of  Assyria  carried 
Israel  away  into  Assyria,  and  put  them  in  Halah,  and 
in  Habor,  on  the  river  of  Gozan,  and  in  the  cities 
of  the  Medes.^'  Aside  from  material  for  checking  the 
dates,  these  records  are  practically  one  and  the  same. 
157.  The  political  situation  which  led  to  this  final 
act  is  gathered  from  contemporaneous  records.  It 
appears  that  Hoshea,  always  loyal  to  his  old  master, 
Tiglath-pileser  III,  had  become  involved  in  political 
intrigues  of  a  serious  nature.  The  death  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  had  allowed  Hoshea  to  turn  his  eyes  in 
other  directions.  A  new  king,  an  Ethiopian,  had 
just  risen  to  the  throne  in  Egypt.  His  fears  and 
his  ambition  turned  toward  Asia, — fears  that  the  pro- 
gressive power  of  Assjrria  would  ere  long  cross  the 
borders  and  seize  the  scepter  of  Egypt, — ambition 
to  duplicate  the  illustrious  careers  of  his  predeces- 
sors on  Egypt's  throne,  Thothmes  III  and  Kameses 


ASSYRIA'S  STROKE  AT  EGYPT  173 

II.  Since  Shishak's  invasion  of  Rehoboam's  realm, 
Egypt  had  not  reached  even  Jerusalem.  Change  of 
rulers  on  the  Tigris  gave  So  (Shabaka)  of  Egypt  his 
opportunity.  Doubtless  these  western  rulers  were 
quite  willing  to  enter  a  coalition  against  Assyria,  and 
to  combine  with  their  near  neighbors,  Egypt. 

158.  Eumors  of  rebellion,  along  with  refusals  to 
pay  the  usual  annual  tribute,  reached  the  ears  of 
Shalmaneser.  The  Assyrian  army,  together  with  the 
provincial  garrisons,  adopted  means  for  suppressing 
it.  The  mere  presence  and  demand  of  the  Assyrian 
officials  brought  Hoshea  to  his  knees,  and  he  paid  the 
tribute.  We  must  note  also  that  Hoshea,  notwith- 
standing his  pretended  submission  to  Shalmaneser, 
sent  messengers  to  Seve  (or  Shabaka)  of  Egypt  to 
consummate  a  league.  Simultaneously,  apparently, 
he  refused  to  pay  further  tribute  to  Ass3rria.  This 
precipitated  the  plans  of  Shalmaneser,  and  Hoshea 
was  seized,  either  in  battle  or  in  his  capital,  thrown 
into  chains  and  imprisoned.  His  place  of  confine- 
ment and  his  fate  are  as  yet  unknown.  The  land  of 
Israel  was  raided  and  its  capital,  Samaria,  besieged. 
Whatever  combination  may  have  been  effected  with 
the  king  of  Egypt,  it  availed  nothing  for  Israel.  Her 
capital  was  doomed  before  the  invincibles  of  Assyria. 

159.  The  statements  in  the  biblical  records  (2 
Kings  xviii.  9-11)  seem  to  say  that  the  king  of  As- 
syria, who  laid  siege  to  Samaria,  also  captured  it. 
But  that  credit  is  claimed  by  Sargon  II,  the  sue- 


174  THE  FALL  OF  SAMARIA 

cessor  of  Shalmaneser  IV,  in  December,  722  B.  C. 
The  change  in  the  occupants  of  the  Ninevite  throne, 
apparently,  brought  about  slight  disturbances  in  the 
empire.  The  armies  of  occupation  and  siege 
remained  faithful  at  their  posts,  and  the  stability  of 
the  government  was  not  endangered.  Sargon's  rec- 
ords are  very  full,  and  specify  among  the  events  of 
the  first  year  of  his  reign  this  one  (Winckler,  Sargon, 
PI.  1,  10  ff.):  "The  city  Samaria  I  besieged;  27,290 
inhabitants  of  it,  I  carried  away  captive;  fifty  chari^- 
ots  in  it  I  took  for  myself,  but  the  remainder  (of  the 
people)  I  allowed  to  retain  their  possessions.  I  ap- 
pointed my  governor  over  them,  and  the  tribute  of 
the  preceding  king  I  imposed  upon  them."  This 
record  supplements  the  Kings  account,  in  that  it 
supplies  the  name  of  the  captor,  and  specifies  the 
number  of  inhabitants  carried  away.  This  record 
omits,  while  the  biblical  account  names,  the  places 
to  which  they  were  carried.  In  addition  to  this,  2 
Kings  (xvii.  24f.)  speaks  of  the  special  importations 
by  which  this  territory  was  repeopled,  and  the  syn- 
cretistic  worship  which  sprang  up  among  them. 

160.  The  downfall  and  deportation  of  Samaria 
marked  the  last  stage  in  the  history  of  the  northern 
kingdom.  From  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Jeroboam 
II  it  had  rapidly  declined.  It  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  Assyrian  monarchs,  been  raided,  plundered, 
oppressed,  and  almost  strangled  to  death.  Its  final 
appeal  to  the  new  and  aspiring  king  of  Egypt,  signed 


iSilRisSi^i^ 


SARGON  II   (722-705  B.  C.) 
CAPTOR  or  SAMARIA 


sargon's  western  wars  175 

its  death-warrant.  Its  disappearance,  its  denationali- 
zation, was  the  most  eloquent  answer  to  the  religions 
and  political  policies  established  and  perpetuated  by 
the  successive  usurpers  of  its  throne.  ^^The  Ten 
Tribes"  that  were  distributed  throughout  the  Assyr- 
ian domain,  were  assimilated,  as  were  the  few  country 
people  who  remained  in  the  land,  with  their  neigh- 
bors. Their  captivities  extended  over  many  years  of 
time,  and  their  amalgamation  with  their  nearest 
neighbors  was  rapid  and  complete.  The  literary  fic- 
tion of  the  discovery  of  the  "lost  ten  tribes,"  has 
assumed  great  prominence  in  some  circles.  But  any 
one  who  has  acquainted  himself  with  Assyria's  meth- 
ods of  government,  with  the  wide  distribution  and 
assimilation  of  the  Israelitish  captives,  and  the  utter 
impossibility  of  preserving  intact  the  identity  of  those 
tribes  as  a  whole,  will  recognize  the  futility  of  any 
attempt  to  find  them.  That  members  of  certain 
tribes,  and  many  of  them,  took  advantage  of  Cyrus' 
decree  is  certain.  But  there  is  no  people  or  nation 
or  tongue  to-day  who  can  be  identified  as  "the  lost 
ten  tribes." 

161.  Sargon's  incumbency  of  the  throne  was  put 
to  the  test  very  early  in  his  reign.  The  malcontents 
of  Babylonia  demanded  vigorous  movement  on  the 
part  of  his  army.  An  indecisive,  yet  terrific,  battle 
was  fought  on  Babylonian  soil.  Sargon  temporarily 
abandoned  this  district  for  the  West-land.  In  720, 
he  found  that  Hamath,  in  the  extreme  north,  was 


176  S ARGON  IN  THE  SOUTH 

in  revolt.  Ilubi'id,  the  leader,  had  as  his  allies  among 
others,  the  peoples  of  Arpad,  Damascus  and  Samaria. 
At  Karkar  he  met  them  and  victoriously  defeated 
them,  flaying  alive  their  rebel  leader.  Suspicious 
that  the  king  of  Egypt  was  inspiring  these  rebellious 
uprisings,  Sargon  pushed  his  way  down  along  the 
Mediterranean  sea-coast.  Hanno,  of  Gaza,  again,  as 
in  Tiglath-pileser's  reign,  fled  to  Egypt.  The  allied 
Egyptian  army  came  to  his  relief,  but  Sargon  com- 
pletely overthrew  them  at  Kaphia,  on  the  coast-line 
(720  B.  C).  Seve,  the  Egyptian,  withdrew  to  the 
Nile,  while  Sargon  carried  his  captive  king  of  Gaza 
and  his  booty  back  to  Assyria. 

162.  Sargon  occupied  his  time  during  the  next 
eight  years  in  reconquering,  reorganizing  and  uni- 
fying his  realm.  One  or  two  significant  remarks  in 
his  records  are  worthy  of  notice  just  here.  In  717 
Carchemish,  the  headquarters  of  the  Hittites  for 
many  centuries,  fell  before  his  arms,  and  yielded  an 
innumerable  booty.  He  sent  an  army  also  to  pene- 
trate the  Arabian  desert  and  to  bring  under  his  sway 
its  numerous  peoples.  In  715  his  records  read  (An- 
nals, 94-99) :  "The  tribes  of  Tamud  and  Ibadid,  Mar- 
siman  and  Chayapa,  far-off  Arabians,  inhabitants  of 
the  wilderness,  of  whom  no  sage  or  scholar  had 
known,  who  had  never  paid  tribute  to  any  king,  I 
smote  in  the  service  of  Asshur  my  lord;  the  rest  of 
them  I  carried  away  and  settled  in  Samaria.  From 
Pharaoh,  king  of  Egypt,  Samsi,  queen  of  Arabia,  and 


SARGON  AT  ASHDOD  177 

Ithamar  of  Sabaea,  kings  of  the  sea-coast  and  of  the 
wilderness,  I  received  as  their  tribute,  gold  the  prod- 
uct of  the  mines,  precious  stones,  ivory,  ussu  plants, 
spices  of  all  sorts,  horses  and  camels.'^  The  extent 
of  Sargon's  raids  and  sovereignty,  sketched  in  this 
excerpt,  stretched  southward  into  the  Arabian  penin- 
sula, and  westward  to  Egypt's  borders.  There  is  in 
fact  recognition  by  the  Pharaoh,  Shabataka,  of  As- 
syria's sovereignty.  These  campaigns  yielded  an 
enormous  revenue  to  the  coffers  of  Sargon. 

163.  The  name  Sargon  is  mentioned  but  once  in 
the  Old  Testament,  and  that  in  connection  with  the 
next  notable  campaign  (Isa.  xx.  1) :  "In  the  year  that 
Tartan  came  unto  Ashdod,  when  Sargon,  the  king 
of  Assyria  sent  him,  and  he  fought  against  Ashdod 
and  took  it."  This  campaign  took  place  in  711  (or 
713,  according  to  one  document)  and  is  described 
in  Sargon's  own  records.  It  appears  that  Ashdod  was 
the  center  of  political  disturbance,  in  the  southwest, 
and  that  the  contagion  was  likely  to  spread  among 
other  neighboring  dependencies.  Azuri,  king  of  Ash- 
dod, had  conspired  with  neighboring  rulers  to  throw 
off  allegiance  to  Assyria.  Sargon  had  deposed  him 
and  set  on  the  throne  his  brother,  Ahimiti.  The 
aspiring  peoples  of  this  section  refused  to  recognize 
Assyria's  representative,  and  set  on  the  throne 
Yamani.  Sargon's  own  words  are  (Winckler's  Sar- 
gon, pi.  33,  1.  101  f.):  "But  Yamani  heard  from 
afar  of  the  coming  of  my  expedition,  and  fled  to  the 


178  ALLIES  OF  ASHDOD 

borders  of  Egypt,  within  the  limits  of  Melucha,  and 

it  was  not  found  out  where  he  was fear 

of  the  splendor  of  my  royalty  overspread  him,  and 
terror  was  shed  forth  upon  him;  he  [king  of  Mel- 
uchaj  threw  him  into  chains,  and  fetters  and  bands 
of  iron,  and  they  brought  him  to  Assyria  in  my  pres- 
ence." 

164,  In  another  inscription  Sargon  tells  us  of  the 
part  taken  in  this  sedition  by  other  provinces  of 
Palestine  (Winckler's  Sargon,  PL  44D,  25ff.):  [The 
governors]  "of  Philistia,  Judah,  Edom,  Moab,  dwel- 
lers by  the  sea,  who  paid  tribute  and  gifts  to  Asshur, 
planned  a  rebellion,  did  not  refrain  from  mischief, 
for  in  order  to  stir  up  rebellion  against  me  they 
brought  gifts  of  friendship  to  Pharaoh,  king  of 
Egypt,  a  prince  who  was  no  savior  to  them,  and  en- 
deavored to  form  with  him  an  alliance."  The  hope 
of  these  western  rebels  was  a  defensive  alliance  with 
Egypt.  But  Sargon's  movements  were  both  too 
rapid  and  his  strokes  too  severe  to  allow  such  a  league 
to  be  in  any  way  effective.  The  peoples  of  Ashdod 
were  severely  punished,  and  even  carried  away  cap- 
tive, though  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the 
neighboring  states  suffered  at  his  hands.  The  sub- 
mission of  the  Egyptian  king  in  sending  to  Assyria 
the  rebel  king  Azuri  of  Ashdod,  seemed  to  guarantee, 
for  a  time  at  least,  no  further  interference  from  that 
quarter. 

165.  The  chronological  order  of  events  during  the 


sargon's  death  179 

remainder  of  Sargon's  reign  is  not  certainly  known. 
If   Hezekiah's   sickness   immediately   followed   Sar- 
gon's campaign  against  Ashdod  (in  711  B.  C),  then 
Merodach-Baladan's  embassy,  nominally  to  congratu- 
late Hezekiah  on  recovery  from  his  sickness,  but 
really  to  ascertain  the  possibility  of  an  alliance  against 
Sargon,  took  place  in  710  B.  C.      This  order  is  not 
impossible,  for  Sargon's  next  two  or  three  years  were 
spent  in  fully  crushing  all  of  his  foes  in  southern 
Babylonia.    After  the  conquest  and  organization  of 
all  his  long-dreamed-of  realm,  Sargon  sought  to  per- 
petuate his  fame  in  another  way.    He  established  at 
Khorsabad,  several  miles  above  Nineveh,  his  royal 
headquarters.     Here  he  built  his  enormous  palace, 
uncovered  by  Botta.     He  entered  this  magnificent 
home  in  706  B.  C,  and  in  the  very  next  summer 
was  assassinated  by  one  of  his  own  soldiers. 


CHAPTEE   XVI 

SENNACHERIB'S  WESTERN  CAMPAIGN  AND  HEZEKIAH 

166.  The  assassination  of  Sargon  yielded  the 
throne  of  Assyria  to  his  son,  Sennacherib  (705-681 
B.  C).  Whether  this  son  had  anything  to  do  with 
the  intrigue  is  not  known.  It  is  at  least  significant 
that  the  father's  name  is  not  found  in  the  records 
of  the  son.  This  king  of  Assyria,  from  his  frequent 
mention  in  the  Bible,  is  most  familiar  to  Bible  stu- 
dents. His  records  of  his  own  campaigns,  his  con- 
quests, his  cruelties,  modify  in  no  important  respect 
the  character  attributed  to  him  by  the  books  of  Kings 
and  Isaiah. 

167.  The  earlier  activities  of  Sennacherib  were 
confined  to  his  eastern  and  southern  boundaries.  He 
measured  lances  with  the  irrepressible  Chaldeans  of 
the  South.  His  own  brother,  whom  he  had  put  upon 
the  throne  of  Babylon,  was  displaced  by  a  usurper; 
and  this  usurper,  after  one  morrth,  was  deposed  by 
Merodach-Baladan.  Sennacherib  swooped  down  on 
the  intriguing  army  of  seceders  and  crushed  them, 
and  established  his  authority  in  lower  Babylonia.  To 
•secure  himself  still  further,  he  captured  and  pillaged 
seventy-five  cities  and  420  villages;  208,000  captives, 

180 


22 


THE  WEST-LAND  OVERRUN  181 

with  nearly  a  million  large  and  small  cattle,  he  de- 
ported to  Assyria.  As  a  kind  of  figure-head,  he  placed 
on  the  throne  of  Babylon  Bel-ibni,  while  the  country 
of  Chaldasa  was  under  a  military  governor.  With 
these  temporary  rulers  in  power,  Sennacherib 
returned  to  Nineveh. 

168.  The  most  stupendous  Assyrian  campaign 
touching  the  Old  Testament  occurred  in  701  B.  C. 
Sennacherib  tells  his  story  in  simple  yet  eloquent 
words  (Taylor  Cyl.  col.  II.  1.  34  f.): 

"In  my  third  campaign,  I  marched  to  the  land  of  the 
Hittites.  Luli,  king  of  Sidon,  —  the  glory  of  my  majesty 
overpowered  him,  and  he  fled  to  a  distant  place  in  the 
midst  of  the  sea,  and  I  put  his  land  (under  my  yoke). 
Great  Sidon,  Little  Sidon,  Beth-Ziti,  Sarepta,  Machalliba, 
Ushu,  Achzib,  Akko,  his  strong  cities,  his  fortresses,  gran- 
aries, reservoirs,  barracks,  —  the  might  of  the  weapons  of 
Asshur  my  lord  overwhelmed  them,  and  they  threw  them- 
selves at  my  feet.  Ithobal  on  the  throne  of  royalty  I  set 
over  them.  Tribute  and  offerings  of  my  sovereignty  yearly, 
without  fail,  I  imposed  upon  him.  As  to  Menahem  of  Sam- 
siruna,  Ithobal  of  Sidon,  Abdili'tu  of  Arvad,  Urumilku  of 
Byblos,  Mitinti  of  Ashdod,  Pudu'il  the  Beth-Ammonite, 
Chemoshnadab  the  Moabite,  Malikram  the  Edomite,  all  the 
kings  of  the  West-land,  regions  wide-extended,  their  weighty 
gifts  with  (other)  things,  they  brought  before  me  and  kissed 
my  feet.  And  Zedekia,  king  of  Ashkelon,  who  had  not  sub- 
mitted to  my  yoke  —  his  ancestral  gods,  himself,  his  wife, 
his  sons,  his  daughters,  his  kindred,  I  took  away  and  de- 
ported to  Assyria.  Sharludari,  son  of  Rukiptu,  their  former 
king,  I  set  over  the  people  of  Ashkelon :  the  rendering  of 
tribute  and  gifts  of  my  sovereignty  I  imposed  upon  him, 
and  so  he  became  my  vassal.  In  the  course  of  my  cam- 
paign,  Beth-Dagon,   Joppa,  Bene-Berak,  Azur,   cities  of 


182  JUDAH  RAIDED  AND  PLUNDERED 

Zedekia,  which  had  not  promptly  thrown  themselves  at 
my  feet,  I  besieged.  I  took,  I  carried  ofif  their  spoil.  The 
lords,  the  nobles,  and  people  of  Ekron,  who  had  cast  into 
fetters  Padi  their  king,  against  their  covenants  and  oath 
to  Assyria,  and  had  turned  him  over  with  hostile  intent 
to  Hezekiah  of  Judah  (and  he  shut  him  up  in  a  dungeon)  — 
feared  in  their  hearts.  The  kings  of  Egypt,  and  the  archers, 
chariots,  and  horses  of  the  king  of  Melucha,  a  countless 
army,  they  invoked,  and  they  came  to  their  relief.  In  front 
of  Elteke  they  drew  up  in  battle  array  against  me,  and 
appealed  to  their  weapons.  With  the  support  of  Asshur 
my  lord,  I  fought  with  them  and  defeated  them.  The 
commander  of  the  chariot  and  the  sons  of  the  Egyptian 
king,  together  with  the  commander  of  the  chariots  of  the 
king  of  Melucha  my  hands  took  alive  in  the  thick  of  the 
fight.  Elteke  and  Timnath  I  besieged  and  took  and  car- 
ried off  their  spoil. 

(Col.  III.)  "  (Again)  I  drew  near  to  Ekron ;  the  lords  and 
the  nobles  who  had  committed  sin  I  slew,  and  on  stakes 
all  around  the  city  I  impaled  their  corpses.  The  people 
of  the  city  who  had  done  crime  and  wickedness  I  took 
captive.  The  rest  of  them  who  had  not  committed  sin 
and  wickedness,  and  who  were  not  guilty,  I  set  free.  Padi, 
their  king,  I  brought  out  from  the  midst  of  Jerusalem,  and 
set  him  upon  the  throne  of  dominion  over  them,  and  the 
tribute  of  my  sovereignty  I  imposed  upon  him. 

169.  "But  Hezekiah  of  Judah,  who  had  not  submitted 
to  my  yoke  —  forty-six  of  his  fenced  cities  and  fortresses, 
and  small  towns  in  their  vicinity  without  number,  by  break- 
ing them  down  with  battering  rams,  and  the  blows  of 
o  .  .  .  .  and  the  strokes  of  axes  and  hammers,  I  be- 
sieged and  took ;  200,150  persons,  small  and  great,  male 
and  female,  horses,  mules,  asses,  camels,  large  cattle,  small 
cattle,  without  number,  I  brought  forth  from  the  midst 
of-  them,  and  counted  as  spoil.  As  for  Hezekiah  himself, 
like  a  bird  in  a  cage,  in  Jerusalem,  his  royal  city,  I  shut 
him  up.  I  threw  up  forts  against  him,  and  whoever  would 
come  out  of  the  gate  of  the  city  I  turned  back.    His  cities, 


COLOR  OP  THE  RECORDS  183 

which  I  had  spoiled,  I  cut  off  from  his  land,  and  gave 
them  to  Mitinti,  king  of  Ashdod,  Padi,  king  of  Ekron, 
Zil-bel,  king  of  Gaza,  and  so  made  small  his  territory. 
To  the  former  tribute,  the  gift  of  their  country,  the  pres- 
ents due  to  my  sovereignty,  I  made  an  addition  and  im- 
posed it  upon  him  (them).  As  for  Hezekiah  himself,  the 
fear  of  the  glory  of  my  sovereignty  overwhelmed  him  ;  and 
the  Arabs  and  his  other  allies,  whom  he  had  brought  to 
strengthen  Jerusalem,  his  royal  city,  were  seized  with  great 
fear.  Thirty  talents  of  gold,  and  eight  hundred  talents  of 
silver,  .  .  .  great  stores  of  lapis-lazuli,  couches  of  ivory, 
arm-chairs  of  ivory  [  covered  (!)  ]  with  elephant's  hide,  ivory 
tusks,  ussu  wood,  urkarinu  wood,  and  the  like,  an  immense 
treasure ;  and  his  daughters,  his  palace- women,  men-singers, 
women  -  singers,  to  Nineveh,  my  royal  city,  I  made  him 
bring;  and  for  the  delivery  of  the  tribute,  and  rendering 
homage,  he  sent  his  ambassador." 

170.  This  is  Sennacherib's  record  of  that  memora- 
ble western  campaign.  Its  character  is  not  different 
from  that  of  other  Assyrian  annals  of  this  period. 
The  Assyrian  annalist  presents  his  views  of  the  cam- 
paign, or  at  least  as  much  of  it  as  he  wished  to  appear 
in  the  records  of  his  lord.  It  is  scarcely  to  be  ex- 
pected that  he  would  have  recorded  anything  that 
would  in  any  way  discount  the  valor  or  the  glory  of 
the  Assyrian  troops.  The  biblical  record,  on  the  other 
hand,  describes  the  expedition  from  the  view-point 
of  Judah's  annalist.  In  some  respects  the  Assyrian 
and  biblical  records  supplement  each  other.  But  in 
other  respects  they  leave  great  gaps  unfilled.  They 
can,  however,  be  so  harmonized  as  to  present  a  rea- 
sonably complete  story  of  this  campaign. 


184  Sennacherib's  purpose 

171.  The  object  of  Sennacherib's  campaign  lies 
well  on  the  surface.  It  is  apparent  from  his  own  rec- 
ords that  he  was  on  an  errand  of  resubjugation.  The 
Phoenician  and  the  Philistine  cities  had  thrown  off 
the  yoke  of  Assyria.  Even  the  few  among  them  who 
had  remained  faithful,  were  forced  to  join  the  coali- 
tion, as  was  the  case  with  the  authorities  in  Ekron. 
Their  king,  Padi,  was  thrown  into  chains  and  deliv- 
ered to  Hezekiah,  who  lodged  him  in  a  dungeon  in 
Jerusalem.  In  fact,  the  whole  chain  of  cities  on  the 
east  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  including  Jeru- 
salem, were  parties  to  this  uprising.  A  careful  study 
of  the  situation  shows  that  there  was  another  element 
of  disturbance,  possibly  one  of  the  chief  elements  in 
the  whole  movement.  Sennacherib's  own  records, 
and  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah  (chaps,  xxx.-xxxi.),  unite 
in  attributing  no  small  part  to  Egypt.  Tirhakah,  as 
his  forefathers,  was  not  slow  to  take  advantage  of 
every  step  toward  Asia.  Doubtless  these  rebellious 
provinces  of  Assyria  saw  that  alone  they  could  not 
face  the  armies  of  Assyria,  and  that  their  only  hope 
of  permanent  release  from  her  yoke,  would  be  in 
an  alliance  with  some  strong  power  like  Egypt.  The 
Egyptian  party  at  Jerusalem,  in  spite  of  Isaiah's  pro- 
tests, despatched  ambassadors  to  the  Nile-land  to 
conclude  a  treaty.  From  the  general  political  situa- 
tion, it  seems  that  Hezekiah  was  a  leader  in  this  event, 
and  that  this  embassy  was  acting  not  for  Judah  alone, 
but  for  the  combined  allies  of  the  West-land.      The 


DOWN  THE  SEA-COAST  185 

direct  purpose  of  Sennacherib  then  was  the  chastise- 
ment and  suppression  of  all  the  former  subjects  of 
Assyria  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea, 
and  indirectly,  yet  not  so  indirectly,  the  conquest  of 
Egypt. 

172.  According  to  his  own  statement  he  begins  his 
triumphal  march  by  citing  the  readiness  with  which 
some  of  the  Phoenician  rulers  prostrated  themselves 
at  his  feet.    He  stormed  and  took  by  force  every  one 
that  resisted  his  demands.    Not  a  word  is  said  about 
Tyre  unless  it  is  referred  to  as  "in  the  midst  of  the 
sea."    It  appears  that  his  presence  in  this  country 
was  sufficient  to  call  for  the  submission  of  every  tribe, 
who  did  not  feel  equal  to  a  fight  with  Assyrian  war- 
riors.   We  find  among  those  who  embraced  his  feet 
representatives  of  Sidon,  of  Arvad,  and  of  Byblos  in 
Phoenicia,  also  of  Ashdod,  of  the  Ammonites,  of  the 
Moabites,  and  of  the  Edomites.      With  these  loyal 
cities  and  provinces  already  in  hand,  Sennacherib  ad- 
vanced against  the  aggressive  rebels  of  Philistia  and 
Jerusalem.    Ashkelon  and  its  subject  cities  first  suf- 
fered   defeat   and   deportation,  and  a  former  king, 
faithful  to  Assyria,  whom  the  anti- Assyrian  leaders 
had  deposed,  was  restored  to  his  throne.    The  next 
stroke  was  made  at  Ekron,  whose  king,  loyal  to  As- 
syria, had  been  imprisoned  by  Hezekiah  in  Jerusalem. 
In  the  midst  of  the  siege,  apparently,  the  approach 
of  the  Egyptian  army  is  announced. 

173.  Tirhakah  had  learned  of  the  invasion  of  Sen- 


186  EGYPT  AND  PHILISTIA  DEFEATED 

nacherib,  and,  either  in  faithfulness  to  his  alliance 
with  these  rebel  states  of  Assjrria,  or  as  a  check  on  the 
southwestern  advance  of  the  Assyrian  conqueror, 
mustered  his  troops  and  moved  toward  Philistia.  His 
army,  strengthened  by  the  forces  of  the  governor  of 
the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  was  drawn  up  in  battle  array 
at  Elteke.  Sennacherib's  army  withdrew  from  Ek- 
ron,  moved  southward,  and  met  them  full  in  the  front. 
The  issue  of  the  combat,  according  to  his  account, 
was  the  defeat  of  the  Egyptian  army,  and  the  capture 
of  some  of  its  chief  officers.  But  the  Assyrian  seems 
not  to  have  taken  advantage  of  this  victory,  or  at  least 
not  to  have  made  record  of  any  which  he  may  have 
taken. 

174.  After  his  defeat  of  the  Egyptians,  Senna- 
cherib renewed  his  siege  of  rebellious  Ekron.  The 
city  soon  succumbed  to  his  assaults,  and  was  most 
severely  and  cruelly  punished.  The  rebels  were  im- 
paled on  stakes  all  around  the  city,  and  the  innocent 
were  set  free.  The  old  king,  whom  Hezekiah  had 
imprisoned  in  Jerusalem,  was  restored  to  his  throne 
and  laid  under  tribute  to  Assyria.  It  is  strange,  and 
yet  instructive,  to  find  that  some  of  Sennacherib's 
movements  in  this  plain  are  not  mentioned  in  his 
annals  thus  far  discovered.  On  the  walls  of  his  own 
palace  in  Nineveh  we  find,  recorded  in  pictures  only, 
.some  of  the  most  important  actions  of  this  campaign. 
Among  these  are  the  beautiful  representations  of  the 
siege  of  Lachich,  the  reception  of  its  submissive  pop- 


THE  ASSYRIAN  ARMY  IN  JUDAH  187 

ulation,  and  a  long  line  of  valuable  booty  being  trans- 
ferred to  Nineveh.  The  first  of  these,  shown  in  the 
accompanying  cut,  explains  how  the  Assyrian  army 
stormed  and  captured  a  strong  fortress.  Having 
thrown  up  an  embankment  of  earth,  they  placed  upon 
it  several  layers  of  stone-flagging,  upon  which  they 
could  operate  their  heavy  battering-rams.  The 
enemy  on  the  walls  rained  torches  upon  the  besiegers, 
but  these  were  harmless  because  an  attendant  on  the 
ram  continually  poured  over  it  a  stream  of  water.  At 
the  foot  of  the  mound,  we  see  expert  slingers,  who 
are  taking  their  part  in  the  assault,  while  others  are 
undermining  the  walls  of  the  city. 

175.  Sennacherib's  records  are  not  clear  as  to  the 
exact  time  of  his  ravaging  of  Judah.  His  summary 
presents  an  appalling  result  of  that  raid.  Forty-six 
walled  cities  and  fortresses,  with  countless  villages, 
fell  before  his  assaults,  and  battering-rams.  Two 
hundred  thousand,  one  hundred  and  fifty  captives 
and  an  innumerable  host  of  cattle  were  taken  as  the 
spoil  of  war.  After  having  ravaged  and  plundered 
this  territory,  he  besieged  Jerusalem,  the  capital  of 
the  arch-rebel,  Hezekiah.  He  boasts  of  having  shut 
up  Hezekiah  "like  a  bird  in  a  cage  in  Jerusalem,"  and 
of  having  controlled  the  gates  of  the  city.  But  he 
nowhere  claims  to  have  taken  the  king  or  his  capital. 
His  boasts  are  (1)  that  he  cut  off  Hezekiah's  territory, 
and  assigned  it  to  three  kings  of  the  Philistine  ter- 
ritory; (2)  that  Hezekiah  and  his  allies  were  over- 


188  A  CHRONOLOGICAL  SNARL 

whelmed  with  the  fear  of  his  majesty,  and  (3)  that 
he  sent  after  him  to  Nineveh  a  great  mass  of  valuable 
tribute,  including  even  members  of  the  royal  court. 
This  in  epitome  is  Sennacherib's  story  of  his  great 
western  campaign  touching  Jerusalem,  as  it  appears 
in  modern  form.  Let  us  now  see  how  it  relates  itself 
to  the  biblical  account. 

176.  The  biblical  record  (2  Kings  xviii.  13)  says: 
"In  the  fourteenth  year  of  king  Hezekiah  did  Sen- 
nacherib, king  of  Assyria,  come  up  against  all  the 
fenced  cities  of  Judah,  and  took  them."  This  verse 
has  been  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  of  biblical  students. 
(1)  If  the  statement  is  to  stand  as  it  now  reads,  then 
Hezekiah  began  to  reign  in  715  B.  C,  and  we  must 
erase  at  least  three  statements  regarding  the  syn- 
chronism of  the  reigns  of  Hezekiah  and  Hoshea  (2 
Kings  xviii.  1,  9,  10).  (2)  If  Sennacherib  were  mere 
commander-in-chief  of  Sargon's  army,  the  statement 
may  refer  to  Sargon's  reduction  of  Ashdod,  though 
its  statements  are  rather  too  sweeping  to  describe  that 
campaign.  (3)  If  for  the  name  "Sennacherib"  we 
substitute  that  of  "Sargon,"  the  difficulty  is  relieved 
though  not  dissipated.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the 
compiler  of  Kings,  finding  but  a  single  verse  that 
referred  to  Sargon's  Ashdod  campaign,  put  that  with 
its  chronological  mark  at  the  head  of  his  record  of 
.Sennacherib's  campaigns;  and,  knowing  nothing  of 
the  earlier  raid,  deliberately  changed  the  name  to 
Sennacherib  as  the  great  figure  in  Assyria's  relation 


hezekiah's  gift  and  stress  189 

to  Hezekiah.  (4)  One  of  the  documents  left  by  Sar- 
gon  dates  his  campaign  against  Ashdod  in  the  ninth 
year  of  his  reign  (713);  if  to  this  be  added  the  year 
of  Hezekiah's  reign  given  in  this  verse,  the  resultant 
is  727  B.  C.  But  no  one  of  these  explanations  is  clear 
of  difficulties,  and  it  is  probably  better  to  refer  the 
verse,  in  spite  of  its  mark  of  chronology,  to  the  cam- 
paign of  Sennacherib  (701  B.  C). 

177.  Taking  2  Kings  xviii.  13  as  introductory  to 
the  whole  account  we  discover  in  the  next  verse  that 
Hezekiah  was  not  tardy  in  attempting  to  avert  the 
approaching  disaster.  The  chronological  order  of  this 
event  is  not  certain,  though  it  probably  occurred  early 
in  Sennacherib's  movements  in  Philistia.  Hezekiah 
sent  his  embassy  to  the  Assyrian  king  to  Lachish  (cf. 
174),  saying:  "I  have  offended:  return  from  me: 
that  which  thou  puttest  on  me  will  I  bear."  The 
gift  was  specified.  Hezekiah,  by  emptying  the  treas- 
uries of  the  temple  and  the  king's  house,  and  cutting 
off  the  gold-plate  of  the  door-posts  of  the  temple, 
sent  thirty  talents  of  gold  and  300  talents  of  silver 
to  buy  off  Sennacherib.  Instead  of  being  satisfied 
with  this  enormous  sum  of  money,  the  king  of  As- 
syria aspired  to  take  possession  of  a  city  which  could 
pour  out  on  demand  such  a  mass  of  precious  metal. 
Accordingly  he  sent  a  detachment  of  his  troops  from 
Lachish  to  demand  entire  surrender  of  the  Judean 
capital  (2  Kings  xviii.  17;  xix.  8).  The  Eabshakeh 
having  asked  for  an  audience  with  Judean  representa- 


190  JERUSALEM  SAVED 

tives,  three  of  Hezekiah's  officers  met  them  outside 
the  city.  The  Assyrian  general  made  a  bold  demand 
for  immediate  surrender.  He  ridiculed  their  confi- 
dence in  Egypt,  and  scorned  their  trust  in  Jehovah, 
since  the  gods  of  no  land  had  been  able  to  stand 
before  them.  He  discounted  their  own  strength,  and 
appealed  directly  to  the  people  to  give  up  their  vain 
hope  of  successful  resistance.  Having  spread  con- 
sternation and  sorrow  in  Jerusalem,  the  army  with- 
drew to  Philistia,  and  found  that  Lachish  had  al- 
ready fallen,  and  Libnah  was  now  under  siege. 

178.  At  this  time,  it  appears,  a  courier  announced 
the  approach  of  the  Egyptian  army.  Sennacherib 
now  sent  messengers  with  a  letter  to  Hezekiah,  af- 
firming the  utter  futility  of  further  resistance,  as 
no  gods  had  ever  been  able  to  stand  before  Assyrian 
arms.  The  letter  doubtless  told  of  the  helplessness 
of  their  Egyptian  allies,  and  the  certainty  of  their 
overthrow.  Hezekiah  is  so  perplexed  that  he  resorts 
to  the  temple  and  spreads  the  letter  before  Jehovah. 
As  in  the  case  of  the  first  demand  for  surrender,  the 
prophet  Isaiah  comes  to  the  rescue  and  holds  up  the 
faith  of  the  king,  and  points  out  that  dire  vengeance 
is  on  the  track  of  the  Assyrian  robber,  and  that  it 
will  overtake  his  army,  and  finally  murder  him  him- 
self in  his  own  land.  The  next  statement  after 
Isaiah's  words  to  Hezekiah  tells  of  the  terrible  cal- 
amity that  befell  the  Assyrian  army.  "And  the  angel 
of  the  Lord  went  forth  and  smote  in  the  camp  of  the 


EVIDENCE  OF  DISASTER  191 

Assyrians  a  hundred  and  fourscore  and  five  thousand : 
and  when  men  arose  early  in  the  morning,  behold, 
they  were  all  dead  corpses"  (Isaiah  xxxvii.  36).  This 
is  presumably  supported  also  by  another  passage  (Isa. 
xvii.  14) :  "At  eventide  behold  terror;  and  before  the 
morning  they  are  not.  This  is  the  portion  of  them 
that  spoil  us  and  the  lot  of  them  that  rob  us." 

179.  Sennacherib's  own  records  make  no  mention 
of  serious  disaster  to  his  troops  in  the  Southwest. 
But  several  significant  events  combine  to  corroborate 
the  biblical  narrative.  In  the  first  place,  a  tradi- 
tion preserved  in  Herodotus  (II,  141)  relates  that 
"Sanacherib,  king  of  the  Assyrians  and  Arabians," 
led  a  great  army  against  Egypt.  This  military  move 
seems  to  have  been  subsequent  to  the  subjugation 
of  Philistia  and  Judea,  and  a  final  stroke  to  secure 
one  of  the  ultimate  objects  of  his  expedition — the 
conquest  of  Egypt.  The  tradition  states  that  the 
Egyptian  army  was  made  up  of  artisans  and  mer- 
chants, and  that  in  great  fear  they  encamped  at  Pelu- 
sium,  within  range  of  the  enemy.  The  enemy's 
camp  was  completely  overrun  by  an  army  of  field 
mice,  which  gnawed  apart  all  of  their  leather  trap- 
pings, such  as  bow-strings,  quivers,  and  shield-straps. 
On  the  next  morning,  with  only  fragments  of  weap- 
ons, the  Assyrian  troops  were  routed,  put  to  flight, 
and  many  of  them  slain.  This  tradition  has  some 
basis,  doubtless,  in  fact,  and  is  an  echo  of  some 
calamity  to  the  Assyrian  army.     In  the  second  place, 


192       THE  TWO  RECORDS  COMPARED 

Sennacherib's  record,  as  given  above  (169),  gilds  the 
termination  of  his  campaign  by  giving  the  astound- 
ing array  of  booty  turned  over  by  Hezekiah,  though 
the  biblical  record  locates  such  a  gift  at  the  time  of 
the  siege  of  Lachish,  some  time  before  the  conclu- 
sion of  his  expedition.  Again,  there  is  a  mystery 
hanging  about  the  results  of  this  vast  campaign. 
Although  Sennacherib  subjugated  the  entire  eastern 
coast-line  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and  carried  off 
countless  booty,  and  levied  tribute  on  the  conquered 
cities  and  provinces,  there  is  no  hint  in  his  records 
during  the  remaining  twenty  years  of  his  reign  that 
he  ever  again  visited  this  territory.  It  seems  that 
some  spectre  haunted  his  memory  and  blighted  his 
ambition  regarding  the  final  conquest  of  Egypt. 

180.  Now  we  are  enabled  to  see  wherein  the  two 
records  agree,  and  in  what  respects  they  may  be  dove- 
tailed. Both  agree  (1)  if  we  count  in  the  pictures 
in  the  Ninevite  palace,  that  Sennacherib  laid  siege 
to  Lachish;  (2)  that  Hezekiah,  as  a  rebel,  sent  a 
handsome  gift  (or  tribute)  to  purchase  the  favor  of 
the  king  of  Assyria,  though  differing  as  to  the  time; 
(3)  that  Egypt  was  an  ally  of  Judah,  upon  whom  she 
leaned  for  support  at  this  time;  (4)  by  implication 
only,  that  some  disaster  suddenly  cut  short  Senna- 
cherib's campaign  and  conquests.  The  remaining 
statements  of  the  two  records  vividly  paint  their  own 
pictures.  The  remarkable  thing  is  the  fact  that  the 
records  so   fully   corroborate  each  other — that   the 


SUPPOSED  JEWISH   CAPTIVES  AT  WORK  AS  SLAVES 
IN  NINEVEH 


SENNACHERIB'S  DEATH  193 

Assyrian  king  and  the  compiler  of  Kings  agree  in 
so  many  particulars,  and  introduce  so  few  new  diffi- 
culties. 

181.  Sennacherib's  reign  was  marked  by  many  cruel, 
inhuman,  and  almost  fiendish  acts,  such  as  the  awful 
destruction  of  Babylon,  which  returned  in  vengeance 
upon  his  own  head.  His  death  was  a  characteristic 
oriental  court  tragedy.  While  worshiping  at  the 
shrine  of  his  god  Nisroch  ("Nusku,"  in  Assyrian), 
he  is  brutally  assassinated  by  his  two  sons  (2  Kings 
xix.  37).  The  Babylonian  chronicle  speaks  of  only 
one  as  the  assassin.  This  was  the  concluding  act  of 
an  insurrection  in  Nineveh.  Neither  of  these  two 
guilty  sons  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  their  father. 
The  aspiring  assassins  were  younger  sons  of  the  great 
monarch,  but,  nevertheless,  hopeful  that  their  deed 
would  command  general  approval  and  win  for  one 
of  them  the  throne  of  the  empire.  But,  cruel  as  is 
man,  justice  always  pronounces  the  final  sentence. 


CHAPTEK  XVII 

THE  LAST  CENTURY  AND  THE  FALL  OF  ASSYRM 

183.  The  death  of  Sennacherib  and  the  accession 
of  his  son  marked  the  opening  of  a  new  era  in  the 
history  of  the  Assyrian  empire.  The  biblical  record 
(2  Kings  xix.  37)  states  that  the  assassins  of  Senna- 
cherib ^^escaped  into  the  land  of  Ararat,  and  Esar- 
haddon  his  son  reigned  in  his  stead."  This  two-line 
notice  covers  a  multitude  of  events.  Fortunately,  we 
have  a  brief  inscription  in  the  Babylonian  chronicle 
that  gives  us  a  fragmentary  portraiture  of  the  polit- 
ical situation.  ^^In  the  month  of  Tebet  (December, 
681  B.  C),  the  20th  day,  Sennacherib,  king  of 
Assyria,  his  son  in  an  insurrection  slew  him.  Twenty- 
three  years  Sennacherib  administered  the  kingdom 
of  Assyria.  From  the  twentieth  day  of  the  month 
Tebet  until  the  second  day  of  the  month  Adar  (Feb- 
ruary, 680),  the  insurrection  prevailed  in  Ass)rria. 
In  the  month  Sivan  (May,  680),  the  eighteenth  day, 
Esarhaddon  his  son  seated  himself  upon  the  throne 
in  Assyria."  The  power  of  the  insurrection  in  Nine- 
veh was  broken  at  the  end  of  one  month  and  a  half. 
But  the  new  king,  who  was  probably  occupied  in 
suppressing  rebellious  subjects  outside  of  Nineveh, 

194 


ESARHADDON  IN  ASIA  195 

was  not  formally  installed  as  king  until  five  months 
after  the  murder  of  his  father. 

183.  This  new  king  inaugurated  a  new  policy 
of  administration  and  control.  He  sought  to  restore 
to  prosperity  the  Babylon  and  Babylonia  which  Sen- 
nacherib had  so  wantonly  and  cruelly  laid  waste  and 
destroyed.  He  conciliated  the  population  of  that 
region  by  restoring  to  their  former  position  the  hu- 
miliated gods  of  Babylon.  He  lifted  the  royal  city 
out  of  its  wasteness  and  ruin,  and  made  it  the  proud 
abode  of  Nebo  and  Merodach.  He  declared  hfmself 
ruler  of  Babylon,  but  subordinate  to  those  chief 
deities.  His  popular  policy  elevated  him  at  once  in 
the  estimation  of  the  people,  and  gave  him  almost 
undisputed  command  of  this  territory.  His  next 
move  (678  B.  C.)  was  toward  the  West-land.  Phoe- 
nicia was  the  first  to  feel  his  power,  and  readily 
yielded,  except  the  island  city.  Tyre.  No  resistance 
of  any  kind  seems  to  have  interfered  with  his  south- 
ward march,  until  he  struck  the  Arabian  desert. 
Here  he  spent  presumably  two  years  (675-674  B.  C.) 
in  the  subjugation  of  Arab  tribes  on  the  east  and 
southeast  of  the  Gulf  of  Akaba,  and  in  the  Sinaitic 
peninsula.  These  conquests  cut  off  from  Egypt  all 
supplies  and  allies  from  their  eastern  friends  and  de- 
pendencies, and  made  Esarhaddon  master  of  all  the 
eastern  roads  to  Egypt. 

184.  The  Babylonian  chronicle  mentions  two  expe- 
ditions of  this  king  into  the  Nile-land.     The  first 


196  esarhaddon's  sway 

occurred  in  673,  without,  apparently,  any  secure  re- 
sults. The  second  took  place  in  670:  "In  the  tenth 
year  in  the  month  Nisan  the  troops  of  Assyria 
marched  against  Egypt."  The  same  Ethiopian  king 
of  the  twenty-fifth  dynasty,  Tirhakah,  who  met  Sen- 
nacherib (in  701)  at  Elteke,  was  on  the  throne.  Sev- 
eral successive  battles  were  fought.  The  Egyptians, 
though  constantly  retreating,  presented  a  checking 
resistance.  At  last  Memphis  was  reached,  and  fell 
after  a  half-day's  siege.  As  a  warning  and  a  terror 
to  their  antagonists,  the  Assyrians  plundered  and 
destroyed  this  old  capital.  Tirhakah  fled  to  his 
native  land,  while  all  Egypt  now  laid  down  arms  be- 
fore the  indomitable  Assyrian.  The  dream  of  former 
Assyrian  rulers  had  materialized.  Egypt  now  be- 
came an  Assyrian  province,  administered  by  Assyrian 
officers.  Esarhaddon's  only  regret  was  that  Tyre 
could  not  be  taken.  On  its  island  rock  it  stood  out 
alone  in  open  defiance  of  the  new  world-conqueror. 
185.  This  new  victor,  though  king  less  than  thir- 
teen years,  surpassed  the  record  of  all  his  prede- 
cessors. He  numbered  among  his  subjects  the  most 
cultured  nations  of  that  day.  The  ruling  king  of 
Judah  was  Manasseh,  whose  record  is  Such  a  blot  on 
the  story  of  the  kings  of  Israel.  His  allegiance  to 
Assyria  was  undoubtedly  avowed  on  the  first  appear- 
ance of  Esarhaddon  before  the  Phoenician  cities. 
In  a  list  of  twenty-two  royal  subjects  in  the  West- 
land  and  the  island  of  Cyprus,  we  find  "Manasseh, 


ESARHADDON,  KING  OF  ASSYRIA 

(Representing  the  submission  of  Tirhakah  (Ethiopian 
king  of  Egypt  704-663  B.  C,  2  Kings  xix.  9),  the 
smaller  figure,  and  of  Baal,  king  of  Tyre,  to  his 
authority.  They  are  held  by  thongs  passed  through 
their  lips.) 


ASSURBANIPAL  IN  EGYPT  197 

king  of  Judali,"  also  the  rulers  of  Edom,  Moab,  Gaza, 
Ekron,  Byblos,  Beth-Ammon,  Mitinti,  king  of  Ash- 
kelon,  and  Ahimelech,  king  of  Ashdod.  The  brief 
records  of  Kings  are  silent  on  the  political  relations 
of  Manasseh.  The  literary  artist  has  exhausted  his 
dark  colors  in  portraying  the  infamy  of  his  idolatrous 
career.  Esarhaddon^s  supremacy  continued  in  this 
territory  until  his  untimely  death  in  668,  while  on 
another  expedition  to  his  rich  and  valuable  province, 
Egypt. 

186.  Esarhaddon's  son,  Assurbanipal,  was  his  suc- 
cessor on  the  throne  of  Assyria.  One  of  his  first 
tasks  was  to  quell  the  uprisings  instigated  by  Tirha- 
kah  in  his  Egyptian  province.  His  Egyptian  cam- 
paign was  apparently  entirely  successful.  Tirhakah's 
troops  were  routed,  and  the  country  reconquered  as 
far  as  Thebes.  Upon  the  withdrawal  of  the  main 
Assyrian  army,  malcontents  arose  in  the  delta  and 
plotted  rebellion,  but  were  duly  suppressed,  slain  with 
barbarous  cruelty,  and  their  leaders  carried  to  Nine- 
veh. But  the  disaffected  could  not  be  satisfied.  An- 
other open  rebellion  broke  out,  which  required  for 
its  arrest  the  presence  of  the  main  Ninevite  army. 
This  campaign  was  conducted  with  terrific  severity 
and  celerity.  The  rebels  retreated  in  hot  haste  to 
the  south,  to  Thebes.  At  the  approach  of  the 
Assyrians  they  fled  up  the  Nile.  Thebes  was  merci- 
lessly pillaged,  and  the  Egyptian  army  pursued  and 
defeated   at   Kipkip,   the   capital   of   Nubia   (662). 


198  THE  BABYLONIAN  REVOLT 

This  completed  the  subjugation  of  all  Egypt,  and  the 
Assyrian  army,  loaded  with  trophies,  returned  to  their 
capital,  Nineveh.  This  event  marked  the  culmina- 
tion of  Assyrian  supremacy  in  the  Nile-land.  The 
next  few  years  saw  their  power  honeycombed  and 
on  the  wane.  With  the  rise  of  Psammetichus  I, 
strengthened  by  a  force  of  voluntary  allies,  Assyria 
was  obliged  to  relinquish  her  claims  on  Egypt. 
Isaiah  xix.  is  a  rough  sketch  of  the  Assyrian  domina- 
tion of  this  old  civilization. 

187.  The  king  of  Assyria  had  problems  enough  in 
the  East  to  occupy  his  whole  time.  His  own  brother 
on  the  vassal  throne  of  Babylon  had  long  dreamed 
of  a  kingdom  all  his  own.  Early  in  his  reign  he  had 
planned  to  accomplish  just  this  thing.  But  the  close 
attention  of  the  Ninevite  king  to  the  details  of  the 
administration  of  Babylon,  as  well  as  to  the  govern- 
ment of  neighboring  provinces,  furnished  no  oppor- 
tune moment  for  such  a  stroke.  The  barbarity,  too, 
which  was  visited  upon  rebel  officers  served  to  check 
any  move  which  might  endanger  his  authority.  But 
the  time  ripened,  and  the  long-laid  schemes  were 
brought  to  fruition.  The  entire  southern  and  south- 
western provincial  dependencies  of  Assyria  struck  for 
freedom  and  independence,  probably  with  Shamash- 
shum-ukin,  the  king's  brother,  as  their  leader. 
Assurbanipal  presents  his  side  of  the  case  in  the  fol- 
lowing statement  (Rassam  Cyl.  col.  iii.  96-108): 

"Yet    he,     Shamash-shum-ukin,     an     unfaithful 


BABYLONIA  SUBDUED  199 

brother,  who  did  not  observe  the  covenant  made  with 
me,  incited  the  people  of  Accad,  the  Chaldseans,  the 
Aramaeans,  the  people  of  the  sea-land  from  Akaba 
to  Bab-Salameti,  my  servants  and  subjects,  to  rebel 
against  me.  Ummanigash,  the  fugitive,  who  had  em- 
braced my  royal  feet,  whom  I  set  on  the  throne  of 
Elam,  and  the  kings  of  the  Gute,  of  Palestine,  of 
Melucha,  whom  I  had  installed  by  the  warrant  of 
Asshur  and  Beltis, — all  of  these  he  set  at  enmity 
against  me,  and  they  made  common  cause  with  him. 
The  gates  of  Sippar,  Babylon,  and  Borsippa  he 
barred,  and  cancelled  the  bond  of  brotherhood.'* 

188.  The  stupendous  revolt  was  charged  to  the 
aspiring  and  invidious  brother  on  the  throne  of  Baby- 
lon. The  regular  army  of  Assyria  promptly  sensed 
the  situation,  and  just  as  vigorously  struck  at  Baby- 
lonia, the  head  of  the  rebellion.  The  rebels  were 
repulsed  in  battle  after  battle,  and  the  territory  of 
Babylonia  so  foraged  and  pillaged  as  to  cut  off  the 
resources  of  the  rebel  headquarters.  The  heavily- 
walled  cities  of  Sippar,  Cutha,  and  Borsippa  fell 
before  the  intrepid  warriors  of  Nineveh.  The  capi- 
tal city  in  which  the  rebel  brother  resided  was  finally 
forced  to  fall.  The  inhuman  barbarities  executed 
upon  rebels  in  other  cities  led  Shamash-shum-ukin 
to  withdraw  into  his  palace  and  apply  the  torch  to 
his  own  funeral  pyre.  This  put  an  end  to  the  devas- 
tation of  country  and  cities  in  Babylonia.  Assur- 
banipal  then  became  undisputed  king  of  Babylon,  in 


200  REBELS  IN  THE  WEST 

648  B.  C.  The  permanency  of  his  authority,  how- 
ever, was  not  assured  until  he  had  scourged  Elam 
and  plundered  the  rich  treasures  of  its  capital  city, 
Susa  (cf.  235). 

189.  The  record  of  Assurbanipal  mentions,  as 
other  parties  to  the  revolt,  certain  peoples  of  the 
West-land.  Just  how  valuable  they  were  to  the  de- 
signs of  the  leader  is  not  apparent.  But  Sennacherib 
and  Esarhaddon  emphasized  the  importance  of  their 
conquests  in  Arabia  and  Melucha  (that  is,  the  Sina- 
itic  peninsula).  Even  the  battle  of  the  allies  against 
Shalmaneser  II  at  Karkar  (in  854  B.  C.)  had  a  de- 
tachment of  Arabian  troops.  We  even  find  in  Assur- 
banipal's  reports  that  a  certain  Arab  chief  on  the 
east  of  Palestine,  Wateh-ben-Hazael,  had  sent  two 
of  his  chiefs  with  a  troop  of  cavalry  to  assist  in  the 
Babylonian  uprising.  Of  all  the  peoples  of  Pales- 
tine, none  were  of  more  importance  as  allies  than 
those  of  Judah,  with  their  strongly  fortified  capital, 
Jerusalem.  The  king  now  on  the  throne  was  Manas- 
seh,  a  former  vassal  of  Esarhaddon.  From  all  the 
statements  and  hints  in  the  cuneiform  records,  from 
the  general  political  condition  of  this  West-land, 
Manasseh  was  involved  in  this  rebellion  against  the 
king  of  Assyria. 

190.  This  western  branch  of  the  uprising  occupied 
the  next  attention  of  Assurbanipal.  To  meet  the 
conditions  promptly  and  decisively,  the  Assyrian 
army  made  one  of  the  most  remarkable  marches  re- 


manasseh's  captivity  201 

corded  in  all  oriental  history.  To  save  time,  and  to 
avoid  the  publicity  necessitated  by  a  march  over  the 
regular  caravan  routes,  and  to  strike  the  rebels  un- 
awares, the  army  crossed  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates 
rivers  and  plunged  through  the  Syro- Arabian  desert. 
This  daring  feat  permitted  them  to  strike  suddenly 
and  victoriously  the  peoples  of  Nebaioth  and  their 
allies,  whom  they  carried  captive  to  Damascus.  In 
quick  succession  the  Assyrians  chastized  and  plun- 
dered all  the  rebels,  carrying  multitudes  of  them  into 
captivity.  The  host  of  cattle  and  camels  driven  to 
Nineveh  was  so  great,  according  to  their  reports,  that 
it  filled  all  the  land. 

191.  That  Manasseh  had  been  tributary  to  Assur- 
banipal  is  attested  by  the  fact  that  we  find  "Manas- 
seh, king  of  Judah"  in  a  list  of  twenty-two  of  his 
vassal  kings  in  the  West-land.  It  is  not  identical 
with  that  of  Esarhaddon's  (185),  as  it  contains,  in 
some  cases,  other  names  than  those  in  his  list.  In 
2  Chronicles  (xxxiii.  10-13)  we  read:  "And  Jehovah 
spoke  to  Manasseh  and  to  his  people;  but  they  gave 
no  heed.  Wherefore  Jehovah  brought  upon  them 
the  captains  of  the  host  of  the  king  of  Assyria,  which 
took  Manasseh  in  chains,  and  bound  him  with  fetters, 
and  carried  him  to  Babylon.  And  when  he  was  in 
distress  he  besought  Jehovah  his  God,  and  humbled 
himself  greatly  before  the  God  of  his  fathers.  And 
he  prayed  unto  him;  and  he  was  entreated  of  him, 
ajid  he  heard  his  supplication,  and  brought  him 


202  assurbanipal's  limits 

again  to  Jerusalem  into  his  kingdom."  The  raid  of 
the  Assjrrian  captains  is  here  charged  to  the  heedless- 
ness of  Manesseh  to  the  injunctions  of  Jehovah. 
Doubtless  the  prophets  had  warned  him  against  tak- 
ing any  part  in  the  rebellion  already  described.  It 
is  suggested  that  he  may  not  have  gone  further  than 
to  confer  with  the  powerful  Arab  tribes  regarding 
such  an  attempt,  as  was  made,  to  throw  off  Assyria's 
yoke.  At  any  rate,  he  was  seized  and  carried  in  true 
Assyrian  fashion  to  Babylon,  of  which  Assurbanipal 
had  just  announced  himself  king  (648  B.  C).  The 
Chronicles  record  states  that  upon  repentance  he  was 
restored  to  the  throne.  This  is  not  improbable,  since 
we  know  that  this  same  Assyrian  king  carried  cap- 
tive to  Nineveh  a  certain  Egyptian  rebel,  Necho, 
and  afterward  restored  him  to  his  former  seat  of 
power.  It  is  of  no  consequence  that  this  incident 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  Assyrian  annals.  It  was  only 
of  minor  importance,  and  merited  no  notice  at  the 
hands  of  the  great  Assyrian  recorder. 

192.  It  is  manifestly  impossible  and  quite  beyond 
our  purpose  in  this  connection  to  follow  Assurbani- 
pal in  detail  to  the  end  of  his  career.  He  had  now 
lost  Egypt,  but  had  succeeded  in  putting  down  the 
rebellion  which  had  involved  all  of  his  southern  and 
southwestern  possessions.  The  northern  peoples, 
east  and  west,  had  also  achieved  their  independence, 
leaving  to  Assyria  merely  the  great  valley  of  the 
two  rivers  and  the  peoples  of  the  West-land.     The 


THE  SCYTHIAN  INVASION  203 

compactness  of  this  realm  gave  him  an  opportunity 
so  to  organize  his  government  as  to  insure  its  per- 
manency. But  this  he  failed  to  do.  Peace  was 
maintained  only  by  the  presence  of  Assyrian  troops. 
The  annals  of  this  king  do  not  carry  us  farther 
down  in  his  career  than  643  B.  C,  about  sixteen 
years  before  his  death.  We  know  that  he  turned  his 
latter  days  largely  into  literary  pursuits.  He  founded 
and  filled  a  vast  library  with  copies  of  the  most  valu- 
able ancient  documents.  These  were  prepared  by  an 
army  of  expert  scribes  who  traveled  from  city  to  city 
in  Babylonia,  selecting  and  copying  the  choicest 
pieces  of  literature.  To  Assurbanipal's  energy  in 
this  line  are  we  indebted  for  the  creation  and  deluge 
tablets  discovered  at  Nineveh  (33).  The  last  days 
of  this  king  are  wrapped  in  obscurity,  an  obscur- 
ity that  omens  disaster  to  his  great  empire,  that 
teems  with  visions  of  rising  kings  and  vengeful 
armies,  seeking  to  blot  out  the  perpetual  enemy  of 
their  freedom. 

193.  Southwestern  Asia,  according  to  Herodotus, 
suffered  a  calamity  in  this  period.  Hardy  mountain- 
eers of  the  northeast,  under  the  name  of  Scythians, 
rolled  in  waves  of  invasion  down  across  the  moun- 
tains of  Armenia,  the  upper  plains  of  Mesopotamia, 
Sjrria,  and  Palestine,  until  bought  off  on  the  borders 
of  Egypt.  They  are  described  as  uncleanly,  wander- 
ing hordes  who  lived  in  rude  wagons  or  in  tents, 
and  subsisted  on  mares'  milk  and  cheese,  with  an 


204  ASSYRIA'S  RAPID  DECLINE 

occasional  diet  of  meat.  In  battle  they  were  more 
cruel  than  a  warring  Indian.  They  drank  the  blood 
of  their  victims,  hung  their  scalps  as  trophies  on 
their  bridle  reins,  and  used  the  tops  of  their  skulls 
for  drinking-cups.  Their  weapons  were  bow  and 
arrows,  a  short  spear,  and  short  sword.  They  foraged 
the  country,  plundered  and  destroyed  settlements 
and  villages,  and  even  encountered  and  defeated 
strongly  armed  troops.  The  ominous  silence  of  all 
other  known  records  than  those  of  Herodotus  leaves 
us  in  doubt  as  to  just  when  or  how  long  these  incur- 
sions took  place.  Herodotus'  "twenty-eight  years" 
can  scarcely  seem  correct,  though  the  whole  period 
from  their  first  appearance  on  the  Median  frontier 
to  their  final  recession  into  their  mountain  steppes 
of  the  north  may  have  occupied  so  much  time.  The 
time  of  this  twenty-eight  years,  as  Prof.  McCurdy 
suggests,  may  have  extended  from  635-607,  a  prob- 
able date  for  the  fall  of  Nineveh. 
,  194.  If  now  these  Scythian  hordes  swept  across 
northwestern  and  western  Assjrria,  with  the  direful 
results  pictured  by  Herodotus,  we  can  see  the  prob- 
able effect  on  the  Assyrian  provinces.  This  great 
empire  would  lose  its  western  dependencies  and  draw 
its  outer  lines  of  supremacy  nearer  its  capital.  Doubt- 
less Jeremiah  (chaps,  v.  and  vi.)  has  partially  in  mind 
.the  invasions  of  these  mountain  marauders,  and  Eze- 
kiel  (chap,  xxxviii.)  has  not  forgotten  the  devastation 
wrought  by  their  raids.     Under  the  shadow  of  a  de- 


THE  FALL  OP  NINEVEH  205 

dining  power  Assurbanipal  died  in  626  B.  C.  His 
successor  on  the  throne  was  Asshur-etil-ilani,  about 
whom  we  know  very  little.  In  the  next  year,  625, 
we  learn  that  Nabopolassar,  a  Chaldaean,  was  made 
viceroy  of  Babylon,  a  recognition  on  the  part  of  the 
Ninevite  king,  at  least,  of  the  importance  in  Baby- 
lonia of  the  Chaldaean  element.  This  descendant 
of  the  irrepressible  Merodach-Baladans  of  former  days 
soon  began  to  lay  his  plans  for  achieving  indepen- 
dence. The  repeated  disasters  which  had  fallen  upon 
the  revolutionary  attempts  of  his  ancestors  taught  him 
to  move  cautiously.  The  sturdy  Medians  of  the  north- 
east were  animated  by  a  like  spirit.  Negotiations  be- 
tween these  two  dependencies  resulted  in  a  league, 
which  was  ratified  by  the  marriage  of  Nabopolassar's 
son,  Nebuchadrezzar,  to  a  Median  princess. 

195.  We  have  no  first-hand  information  of  the  im- 
mediate results  of  the  Medo-Babylonian  combination. 
But  the  final  issue  is  certain.  This  coalition  not  only 
secured  the  independence  of  its  two  contracting  peo- 
ples, but  succeeded  in  trampling  to  death  its  former 
ruler  and  oppressor.  There  is  no  contemporary  de- 
scription of  the  awful  vengeance  which  overtook  the 
Assyrian  capital.  But  Nabonidus,  king  of  Babylon, 
555-538  B.  C,  has  left  us  his  brief  account  of  the 
overthrow  of  Assyria  by  the  hardy  Median  troops 
(Stele  of  Nabonidus,  col.  I) :  "The  king  of  Assyria, 
who  in  Merodach's  wrath  had  wrought  the  ruin  of 
the  land, — the  son,  the  issue  of  his  own  body,  smote 


206  PICTURES  OP  ASSYRIA 

him  with  the  sword.   .    .    .   as  a  helper  he  gave  him, 
as  an  ally  he  made  him  possess.     The  King  of  Um- 
man-Manda  (Medes),  who  had  not  an  equal,  he  sub- 
dued; at  his  bidding  he  made  him  march  to  his 
assistance.     [Above]    and  below,    [right]    and  left, 
like  a  flood  he  overwhelmed;  he  avenged  Babylon; 
he  multiplied  corpses.     The  king  of  the  Umman- 
Manda  the  fearless  ruined  all  the  temples  of  the  gods 
of  the  land  of  Assyria;  and  the  cities  on  the  border 
of  the  land  of  Accad,  which  had  revolted  against 
the  king  of  Accad,  and  had  not  gone  to  his  assist- 
ance, he  destroyed,  and  left  none  of  their  sanctuaries, 
he  laid  waste  their  cities."     The  terrific  vengeance 
which  must  have  been  dealt  out  to  her  can  be  par- 
tially pictured  from  this  brief  inscription,  from  the 
gruesome  sketches  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  from 
the  inevitable  action  of  the  law  of  retribution.     We 
have  no  means  of  knowing  how  long  the  siege  lasted, 
nor  by  what  assaults  her  high  and  heavy  walls  were 
finally  broken  through.     But  the  vigorous  young  na- 
tion gave  her  the  fatal  blow  that  almost  wiped  her 
off  the  face  of  the  earth.     The  whole  city  of  Nineveh 
was  plundered  and  burned  and  left  a  mass  of  ruins. 
Her  devastation  was  so  complete  and  her  memory  held 
in  such  contempt  that  she  was  absolutely  abandoned 
to  the  disintegrating  and  destructive  power  of  the 
elements. 

196.  Assyria  was  driven  to  her  death  in  607  or 
606  B.  C.     Her  sudden  destruction  was  a  salvation  for 


NAHUM  AND  NINEVEH  207 

US  of  her  priceless  treasures.  After  almost  twenty-five 
centuries  of  oblivion,  her  vastness,  her  majesty,  her 
power,  and  her  cruelty  are  brought  to  light  and  set 
down  beside  the  character  given  her  by  the  writers 
of  Holy  Writ.  Isaiah  (v.  25-29  and  elsewhere),  Na- 
hum,  Zephaniah,  and  others  have  left  us  a  fragmen- 
tary portraiture  of  the  Assyrian,  but,  as  far  as  it  goes, 
as  true  to  life  as  that  painted  by  the  monarches  own 
artists.  Zephaniah  describes  the  punishment  that 
will  be  meted  out  to  all  the  nations,  and  finally  says 
(ii.  13-15)  of  Assyria  and  its  capital:  "And  he  will 
stretch  out  his  hand  against  the  north,  and  destroy 
Assyria  and  will  make  Nineveh  a  desolation,  and 
dry  like  the  wilderness.  And  herds  shall  lie  down 
in  the  midst  of  her,  all  beasts  of  the  nations:  both 
the  pelican  and  the  porcupine  shall  lodge  in  the 
chapiters  thereof:  their  voice  shall  sing  in  the  win- 
dows; desolation  shall  be  in  the  thresholds:  for  he 
hath  laid  bare  her  cedar  work.  This  is  the  joyous 
city  that  dwelt  carelessly,  that  said  in  her  heart,  I 
am,  and  there  is  none  else  beside  me :  how  is  she  be- 
come a  desolation,  a  place  for  beasts  to  lie  down  in! 
Every  one  that  passeth  by  her  shall  hiss,  and  wave 
his  hand."  Zephaniah  saw  in  the  future  the  fate  that 
would  overtake  this  great  city. 

197.  Nahum  is  the  prophet-artist  who  gives  us  the 
most  terrifying  and  ghastly  picture  of  the  final  trag- 
edy in  the  history  of  Assyria.  The  vividness  and 
detail,  descriptive  of  methods  of  defence,  of  the  fruits 


208  THE  AWFUL  VACANCY 

of  plunder,  of  the  movements  of  the  army  in  the 
streets,  and  of  numerous  other  data,  mark  this  as 
the  work  of  an  eyewitness,  or  of  one  very  familiar 
with  life  in  the  capital.  We  see  the  dash  of  the 
enemy,  with  his  glittering  and  bounding  chariots, 
the  flashing  of  weapons,  the  prancing  of  the  horses, 
as  the  walls  are  stormed.  The  defenders  prepared  a 
mantelet  to  meet  the  assault  (ii.  5).  But  by  some 
means  or  other,  possibly,  as  sometimes  suggested, 
by  the  rising  and  roaring  river  the  walls  were  under- 
mined or  the  river-gates  carried  away.  "The  palace 
is  dissolved."  May  it  not  have  been  that,  like  Zimri 
in  Tirzah  (1  Kings  xvi.  18),  or  Shamash-shum-ukin 
in  Babylon  (188),  the  king  of  Assyria,  seeing 
his  dread  fate  so  near  at  hand,  preferred  to  perish  in 
the  burnings  of  his  own  palace,  than  by  the  merciless 
tortures  of  an  angry  foe?  The  bloody  combat  and 
noisy  confusion  in  the  streets,  result  (iii.  3)  in  "a 
multitude  of  slain,  and  a  great  heap  of  carcasses ;  and 
there  is  none  end  of  the  corpses;  they  stumble  upon 
their  corpses."  "Take  ye  the  spoil  of  silver,  take  ye 
the  spoil  of  gold;  for  there  is  none  end  of  the  store,  the 
wealth  of  all  goodly  furniture"  (ii.  9), — gathered 
from  the  ends  of  the  earth. 

198.  "She  is  empty  and  void  and  waste:  and  the 
heart  melteth,  and  the  knees  smite  together,  and 
anguish  is  in  all  loins,  and  the  faces  of  them  all  are 
waxed  pale"  (ii.  10).  The  looker-on  is  terror-stricken, 
horrified,  unnerved  and  faint  at  the  sudden  doom  of 


A  JUST  RETRIBUTION  209 

the  proud  city.  "Where  is  the  den  of  the  lions,  and 
the  feeding-place  of  the  young  lions,  where  the  lion 
and  the  lioness  walked,  the  lion's  whelp,  and  none 
made  them  afraid?  The  lion  did  tear  in  pieces 
enough  for  his  whelps,  and  strangled  for  his  lionesses, 
and  filled  his  caves  with  prey,  and  his  dens  with 
ravin"  (ii.  11,  12).  The  nation  that  roared  like  a 
lion  (Isa.  v.  29),  whose  chief  sport  was  hunting  and 
slaying  lions,  and  whose  ravages  were  most  fittingly 
compared  with  those  of  lions,  had  suddenly  disap- 
peared, and  gone  forever.  With  Nahum's  final  words 
(iii.  18,  19),  we  close  the  chapter:  "Thy  shepherds 
slumher,  0  king  of  Assyria ;  thy  worthies  are  at  rest : 
thy  people  are  scattered  upon  the  mountains,  and 
there  is  none  to  gather  them.  There  is  no  assuaging 
thy  hurt;  thy  wound  is  grievous;  all  that  hear  the 
report  of  thee  clap  the  hands  over  thee;  for  upon 
whom  has  not  thy  wickedness  passed  continually?'' 


CHAPTEK   XYIII 

NEBUCHADREZZAR  II  AND  THE  NEW  BABYLONIAN 

EMPIRE 

199.  The  new  Babylonian  empire  arose  on  the 
ruins  of  Assyria.  While  the  combined  armies  of 
Babylon  and  Media  were  preparing  for  their  final 
charge  against  Assyria,  a  new  and  ambitious  king 
of  Egypt,  Necho,  cast  longing  eyes  toward  western 
Asia.  He  resolved  to  take  a  hand  in  the  partition  of 
the  empire  of  the  hated  Assyrians.  With  firm  con- 
fidence in  his  troops  he  set  out  for  the  Euphrates 
river.  Josiah,  king  of  Judah,  from  what  motive  we 
know  not,  attempted  to  check  his  advance.  Heed- 
less of  the  warning  given  him,  he  rashly  rushed  into 
battle  at  Megiddo  and  was  carried  back  to  Jerusalem 
a  corpse.  Necho  reached  his  northern  goal  and  estab- 
lished himself  at  Eiblah  in  Hamath,  whence  he  ad- 
ministered the  affairs  of  his  newly  conquered  prov- 
inces. Eeport  of  his  advances  now  came  to  the  ears 
of  the  new  authorities  at  Babylon.  The  main  army 
under  Nabopolassar  moved  with  the  Medes  under 
Cyaxares  against  the  city  of  Nineveh,  and  encom- 
passed its  walls.  Somewhere  about  the  time  of  the 
fall  of  Assyria,  Nabopolassar's  own  son,  Nebuchad- 

210 


THE  CHALDEAN  ARMY  IN  THE  WEST  211 

rezzar,  was  sent  with  a  formidable  army  to  strike  a 
blow  at  Necho. 

200.  In  605  B.  C.  the  great  armies  of  Egypt  and 
Babylon  met  near  Carchemish  to  decide  the  question 
of  the  supremacy  of  southwestern  Asia.  Necho  was 
defeated  (Jer.  xlvi.),  and  with  his  army  was  forced 
to  retreat  to  the  land  of  the  Nile.  The  book  of  2 
Kings  does  not  describe,  but  merely  refers  (xxiv.  7) 
to  the  results  of  this  battle.  It  says  (xxiv.  1) :  "In 
his  [  Jehoiakim's]  days  Nebuchadnezzar  king  of  Bab- 
ylon came  up,  and  Jehoiakim  became  his  servant 
three  years:  then  he  turned  and  rebelled  against 
him."  What  was  the  date  of  this  occurrence?  It  is 
commonly  held,  in  the  absence  of  positive  informa- 
tion, that  Nebuchadrezzar  smote  and  routed  the 
Egyptians,  and  then  retired  at  once  to  Babylon  to 
secure  himself  on  the  throne.  This  is  not  at  all  im- 
probable. On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  quite  consonant 
with  the  aggressive  character  of  this  young  command- 
er, not  to  take  immediate  and  decisive  advantage  of 
this  notable  victory.  It  is  indeed  rather  probable  that, 
while  he  hastened  back  to  Babylon,  he  sent  the  main 
army  in  pursuit  of  the  fleeing  Egyptians,  to  secure 
the  allegiance  of  the  neighboring  peoples  of  the  West- 
land.  Jehoiakim,  a  sworn  vassal  of  Egypt,  would  fall 
naturally  under  the  sway  of  the  new  conqueror. 
Neither  is  it  beyond  the  range  of  possibility  that  this 
raid  of  Palestine  yielded  such  fruits  of  victory  as  are 
recorded  in  Dan.  i.  1.     The  difference  of  one  year 


212  jehoiakim's  disaster 

between  the  dates  of  Jer.  xxv.  1  and  Dan.  i.  1,  always 
taking  account  of  the  possibility  of  different  chron- 
ological methods,  is  of  no  consequence  whatever,  ex- 
cept to  furnish  a  basis  for  an  argumentative  disagree- 
ment. If  then  the  Babylonian  army  made  a  rapid 
march  and  secured  the  sovereignty  over  these  western 
provinces,  we  have  in  605  B.  C.  the  beginning  of  a 
captivity  of  the  Jews  in  Babylon. 

201.  It  is  not  our  purpose  to  present  in  full  the 
biblical  record  of  Judah's  decline  and  fall,  but  to 
rehearse  only  so  much  of  it  as  will  illustrate  the  great- 
ness of  the  Babylonian  empire.  The  king's  presence 
and  army  seems  to  have  been  demanded  for  the  next 
several  years  in  Babylonia.  Possibly  from  some 
secret  intrigues  with  Egjrpt,  his  former  master,  Je- 
hoiakim's  allegiance  to  Babylon  was  broken  off  at  the 
end  of  three  years  (about  602  B.  C).  The  Chaldean 
garrisons  located  at  various  strategical  points,  to- 
gether with  small  bodies  or  bands  of  Syrians,  Moab- 
ites,  and  Ammonites,  harassed  him  on  every  side,  to 
force  him  back  into  his  former  allegiance.  At  the  end 
of  three  or  four  years  (about  598  B.  C.)  of  such  war- 
fare the  great  king  Nebuchadrezzar  himself  led  his 
main  army  into  the  West-land.  The  Old  Testament 
records  recite  few  details  of  this  expedition.  Jeru- 
salem itself  was  visited,  and  the  rebellious  king  dis- 
patched. The  chronicler  (2  Chron.  xxxvi.  6)  states 
that  he  was  bound  in  fetters  to  be  carried  to  Babylon. 
The  compiler  of  Kings  draws  a  veil  over  his  demise. 


jehoiakin's  captivity  213 

Jeremiah,  in  view  of  his  deceitful,  intriguing  char- 
acter, prophesies  (xxxvi.  30)  that  "his  dead  body  shall 
be  cast  out  in  the  day  to  the  heat,  and  in  the  night 
to  the  frost;"  also  (xxii.  19)  that  "he  shall  be  buried 
with  the  burial  of  an  ass,  drawn  and  cast  beyond  the 
gates  of  Jerusalem."  It  is  not  inconceivable  that  all 
the  records  are  true;  that  in  the  general  capture  of 
the  city  he  was  taken  with  other  captives,  that  upon 
examination  he  still  showed  a  rebellious  spirit,  and 
was  slain  by  the  order  of  the  king  and  disgraced  by 
being  cast  without  the  city  and  left  unburied. 

202.  Nebuchadrezzar  chose  as  Jehoiakim's  succes- 
sor, his  son  Jehoiakin.  A  very  brief  period  served  to 
test  the  spirit  of  the  youthful  ruler.  For  within  three 
months  his  haughtiness  and  defiance  of  authority 
brought  upon  his  capital  the  Chaldean  army.  At  the 
approach  of  the  great  king,  Jehoiakin  surrendered, 
with  his  queen-mother,  "his  servants,  and  his  princes 
and  his  officers"  (2  Kings  xxiv.  12).  Jerusalem  was 
plundered  and  immense  quantities  of  booty  carried  to 
Babylon.  But  of  most  importance  for  Nebuchadrez- 
zar, who  had  already  projected  for  Babylonia  exten- 
sive building  schemes,  were  the  seven  thousand  men 
of  war,  one  thousand  artisans  and  smiths,  and  two 
thousand  of  the  best  citizens  of  Jerusalem.  This  pol- 
icy of  deportation  for  the  crushing  of  rebellion  was 
the  same  as  that  inaugurated  by  the  Assyrian  kings 
of  the  eighth  century.  Nebuchadrezzar's  plan  served 
two  purposes :  it  guaranteed,  for  a  period  at  least,  the 


214  THE  FALL  OF  JERUSALEM 

respectful  submission  of  this  western  district,  and 
furnished  him  the  skillful  artisans  for  the  execution 
of  his  elaborate  projects  for  the  rehabilitation  of 
Babylonia. 

203.  Out  of  the  leavings  of  the  population  Mat- 
taniah,  with  his  name  changed  to  Zedekiah,  a  younger 
son  of  Josiah,  was  set  on  the  throne  of  Jerusalem,  as 
a  sworn  vassal  of  Babylon.  Nebuchadrezzar  appar- 
ently left  him  practically  undisturbed  until  there  was 
uncovered  a  secret  plot  to  join  an  alliance  with 
Hophra  of  Egypt.  Doubtless  a  refusal  of  Zedekiah 
to  pay  the  annual  tribute  assured  the  king  of  Babylon 
of  the  truth  of  the  suspicion.  Jerusalem  was  made 
the  target  of  the  Babylonian  army.  It  settled  down 
to  a  long  siege.  Jeremiah  advised  capitulation,  and 
consequent  mercy  and  life  for  its  occupants.  But 
the  vacillating  king,  under  the  control  of  the  rebel- 
lious princes,  simply  echoed  their  spirit.  The  Egyp- 
tian allies,  true  to  their  oath,  came  to  the  rescue  of 
Jerusalem.  The  Babylonians  raised  the  siege  only 
long  enough  to  strike  them  a  blow  that  drove  them 
back  to  the  Nile-land.  After  indescribable  sufferings 
and  horrors  within  the  city,  mirrored  in  the  book  of 
Lamentations,  at  the  end  of  one  year  and  a  half 
Jerusalem  was  broken  into.  The  walls  had  yielded 
to  the  fell  strokes  of  the  battering-rams,  and  the  king 
with  his  retinue  made  a  vain  attempt  to  reach  the 
East-Jordanic  country.  He  was  captured  and  car- 
ried to  Eiblah,  to  the  presence  of  the  king  against 


NEBUCHADREZZAR'S  WARS  215 

whom  he  had  rebelled.  True  to  the  Assyrian  policy 
of  cruelty  meted  out  to  persistent  rebels,  his  own 
sons  were  slain  before  his  eyes,  his  own  eyes  put 
out,  probably  in  the  manner  indicated  on  Assyrian 
monuments,  by  the  use  of  short  spears,  and  he  was 
manacled  with  fetters  and  carried  a  prisoner  to  Bab- 
ylon. To  forestall  the  possibility  of  any  future  dif- 
ficulty in  this  strong  fortress,  the  city  was  thoroughly 
plundered,  burned,  its  walls  razed  to  the  ground,  and 
the  better  part  of  the  population  transported  to  Baby- 
lonia. 

204.  The  main  causal  instrument  in  the  overthrow 
and  destruction  of  the  Judean  kingdom  was  Ne- 
buchadrezzar II,  son  of  Nabopolassar,  a  Chaldean  ap- 
pointee of  the  king  of  Assyria,  to  the  vice-regal  gov- 
ernorship of  Babylon  in  625  B.  C.  This  king  is  men- 
tioned more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  times  in  the 
Old  Testament,  and  sustained  the  closest  relations 
with  the  Jewish  captives  in  Babylonia.  During  his 
forty-three  years  of  administration  (604-561  B.  C.)  he 
made  Babylon  the  political,  commercial,  and  religious 
center  of  the  civilized  world.  His  achievements  by 
force  of  arms  must  have  been  something  tremendous. 
Unfortunately  his  numerous  inscriptions  thus  far  dis- 
covered contain  merely  hints  of  his  martial  career. 
A  few  lines  out  of  one  of  his  inscriptions  (Phillips 
Cyl.  col.  iii.  18-22,  P.  S.  B.  A.,  Feb.  '88)  reads:  ''The 
wide-spread  peoples  with  whom  Merodach  the  lord 
filled  my  hand,  to  Babylon  I  subjected.    The  tribute 


216  NEBUCHADR.   A  RELIGIONIST 

of  the  countries,  the  produce  of  the  hills,  the  fullness 
of  the  seas  therein  I  received."  An  extract  from  the 
great  East  India  House  inscription  (Col.  ii.  12-29) 
says:  "By  his  [Merodach's]  supreme  aid,  to  far  off 
lands,  distant  hills,  from  the  upper  sea,  to  the  lower 
sea,  immense  journeys,  blocked  ways  .  .  a  road 
of  difficulty,  a  journey  of  straits  I  pursued,  and 
the  disobedient  I  reduced,  the  rebellious  I  fettered. 
The  land  I  controlled,  and  the  people  I  made  to 
thrive,  bad  and  good  among  the  people  I  separated." 
These  are  general  statements  regarding  his  conquests 
and  his  authority,  with  no  specific  reference  to  any 
one  nation.  The  inscriptions  thus  far  found  do  not 
describe  any  of  his  victories  East  or  West.  If  ever 
the  great  mounds  of  Babylon  shall  be  systematically 
excavated,  we  shall  hope  for  large  information  con- 
cerning his  notable  military  career. 

205.  If  now  we  turn  to  some  other  phases  of  Neb- 
uchadrezzar's life,  we  discover  abundant  information 
in  his  inscriptions.  As  a  builder  he  equalled  or  sur- 
passed the  marvellous  record  of  Eameses  II  of  Egypt. 
He  not  only  laid  out  and  built  the  city  of  Babylon 
on  a  magnificent  scale,  rebuilding  more  than  twenty 
temples  in  that  city  and  in  Borsippa,  but  he  greatly 
strengthened  its  fortifications  and  defenses.  He  built 
great  quays  on  the  river's  bank,  and  increased  the 
facilities  for  the  growing  commerce  of  Babylon.  "Is 
not  this  great  Babylon  that  I  have  built?"  (Dan. 
iv.  30)  was  doubtless  many  times  said  by  him,  for 


EAST  INDIA  HOUSE  INSCRIPTION 

OF   NEBUCHADREZZAR  II    (604-561    B.  C.) 


NEBUCHADREZZAR'S  POLICY  217 

upon  most  of  the  bricks  thus  far  taken  out  of  this 
mound,  we  find  his  name.  The  two  most  notable 
buildings  restored  were  the  national  temples,  of  Nebo 
at  Borsippa,  called  Ezida  ("the  enduring  house"), 
and  of  Bel  Merodach  at  Babylon  called  Esagila  (^Hhe 
house  of  the  exalted  head").  The  devotional  and  re- 
ligious spirit  of  Nebuchadrezzar  is  reflected  in  many 
passages  in  his  inscriptions.  Here  is  a  sample  (Ball's 
Cyl.  noted  in  Light  from  the  East,  p.  206):  "Neb- 
uchadrezzar, the  king  of  righteousness,  the  humble, 
the  lowly,  who  hath  knowledge  of  the  fear  (= worship) 
of  the  gods,  who  loveth  justice  and  righteousness, 
who  seeketh  after  life,  who  putteth  in  the  mouth  of 
the  people  the  fear  of  the  mighty  gods;  who  keepeth 
up  E-Sagilla  and  E-Zidda,  the  true  son  of  Nabopolas- 
sar,  king  of  Babylon,  am  I."  "When  Merodach,  the 
mighty  lord,  to  the  lordship  of  the  land  lifted  me  up, 
and  called  me  an  exalted  name  that  I  might  keep  up 

the     cities     and    renew     his    temples 

I,     the     prayerful,     the    wise, 

the  suppliant,  the  worshipper  of  his  god-head, — 
of  the  building  up  of  that  house  I  bethought 
myself."  In  his  prayer  to  Shamash  he  says:  "A 
righteous  scepter,  a  good  shepherding,  a  just  staff 
of  rule,  prospering  the  people,  adorn  my  kingdom 
forever!"  This  is  the  outstanding  characteristic  of 
this  monarch  in  the  majority  of  the  inscriptions  now 
in  our  possession. 

206.     This  was  the  type  of   ruler  to  whom  the 


218  ANARCHY  IN  BABYLON 

people  of  Judah  were  subject.  Whether  in  Egypt, 
under  his  supremacy,  or  in  Palestine  or  in  Babylonia, 
his  word  was  law.  We  cannot  as  yet  gain  in  the  in- 
scriptions so  much  as  a  hint  as  to  the  political,  re- 
ligious, and  social  conditions  of  the  Jewish  exiles. 
Of  course,  the  biblical  picture,  in  accordance  with 
Nebuchadrezzar's  general  policy,  is  not  a  dark  one. 
The  Babylonian  exiles  enjoyed. many  of  the  privileges 
of  citizens,  with  settled  homes  and  fixed  communities. 
Some  of  these  were  not  far  from  the  great  capital; 
for  the  river  Chebar  near  which  Ezekiel  was  active 
has  just  been  discovered  on  two  tablets  dating  from 
the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  I  (464-424).  It  was  a  large, 
navigable  canal,  not  far  from  Nippur,  southeast  of 
Babylon  (see  University  of  Pennsylvania  texts.  Vol. 
IX,  p.  28).  In  the  inscriptions  quoted  above  we  saw 
that  Nebuchadrezzar  made  it  one  of  the  chief  aims 
of  his  life  to  bring  prosperity  to  his  subjects,  and 
therewith  to  bind'  them  to  himself  with  ties  stronger 
than  fetters.  The  respectful,  pious  Jews  must  have 
experienced  a  peaceful,  prosperous  time,  aside  from 
the  tearful  memories  of  the  wasteness  and  desolation 
of  their  native  land. 

207.  Nebuchadrezzar's  active  reign  of  forty-three 
years  closed  with  his  death  in  561  B.  C.  The  heri- 
tage of  his  son  Evil-Merodach  (man  of  Merodach) 
was  a  powerfully  organized  and  stable  government. 
But  the  master  was  gone,  and  at  the  end  of  but  two 
years  the  new  king  was  slain  by  his  brother-in-law, 


RISE  OF  NABONIDUS  219 

Nergalsharezer.  This  old  warrior  and  officer  at  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem,  probably  identical  with  Nergal- 
sharezer  of  Jer.  xxxix.  3,  seized  the  throne  for  him- 
self. He  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  father-in- 
law,  and  restored,  according  to  Nabonidus  (Corona- 
tion Cyl.  iv.  3-6)  certain  temples  and  palaces  and 
greatly  improved  the  water  facilities  of  Babylon  (I 
Kawl.  67,  ii.  15-39).  At  the  end  of  four  years  (559- 
555  B.  C.)  of  rather  successful  administration,  he 
died,  leaving  the  throne  to  his  young  son,  Labashi- 
Merodach.  Nabonidus  in  his  Stele  (col.  iv.)  says: 
"his  young  son  incapable  of  ruling  (?)  against  the 
will  of  the  gods  sat  on  the  royal  throne"  (Ball,  p. 
214).  This  gave  a  body  of  conspirators  their  oppor- 
tunity, and  within  nine  months  the  child-king  was 
murdered.  Nabonidus  says  (Stele,  col.  v.  8  f .) :  "By 
the  word  of  Merodach  the  lord,  I  was  raised  to  the  lord- 
ship of  the  land,  while  they  sang  ^0  father  of  the 
land!'  and  I  had  no  rival.  Of  Nebuchadrezzar  and 
Nergalsharezer,  the  kings  that  preceded  me,  I  was 
their  powerful  legate;  with  their  troops  my  hands 
were  entrusted;  against  their  bidding  I  sinned  not, 
and  their  heart  I  made  glad.  As  for  Evil-Merodach, 
the  son  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  and  Labashi-Merodach 
the  son  of  Nergalsharezer  ....  they  broke  their 
commands."  According  to  the  claims  of  Nabonidus, 
he  had  been  a  trusted  general  of  the  troops  of  his 
predecessors,  and  by  reason  of  his  faithfulness  had 
been  promoted  by  the  favor  of  Merodach  to  the  sov- 


220  NABONroUS  AND  WORSHIP 

ereignty  over  Babylon.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
he  was  the  chief  instigator  of  the  murderous  con- 
spiracy, and  that  success  in  the  attempt  was  regarded 
as  the  favor  of  Merodach. 

208.  We  possess  a  large  amount  of  literature  from 
the  years  of  the  reign  of  Nabonidus  (555-538  B.  C). 
There  are  several  semi-historical  inscriptions  and 
more  than  a  thousand  commercial  tablets — already  in 
published  form.  These  date  from  every  year  of  his 
reign  and  give  us  an  intensely  interesting  insight 
into  commercial  methods  and  social  life  in  Babylonia 
under  the  eyes  of  the  Jewish  exiles.  Nabonidus'  ac- 
tivity spent  itself,  so  far  as  his  records  inform  us, 
in  maintaining  the  stability  of  the  empire  in 
strengthening  the  fortifications  on  the  Euphrates, 
and  in  restoring  and  beautifying  the  temples  of  the 
gods.  In  one  inscription  (V  Eawl.  64,  col.  i.  38-49) 
we  find  a  good  illustration  of  the  zeal  of  Nabonidus 
in  this  direction :  "I  gave  command  to  my  widely  dis- 
tributed peoples,  from  the  land  of  Gaza,  on  the  bor- 
der of  the  land  of  Egypt,  from  the  upper  sea  beyond 
the  Euphrates  unto  the  lower  sea,  the  kings,  princes, 
governors,  and  the  numerous  peoples  which  Sin, 
Shamash,  and  Ishtar,  my  lords,  had  intrusted  to  me, 
to  build  E-gul-gul,  the  temple  of  Sin,  my  lord,  who 
walks  beside  me  which  is  within  the  city  of  Har- 
ran,  which  Assurbanipal,  king  of  Assyria,  son 
of  Esarhaddon,  king  of  Assyria,  a  prince  of  my 
predecessor,  had  buiU."     He   states   that  he  fully 


NABONIDUS'    DECLINE  221 

restored  and  rededicated  this  great  temple  "and  the 
city  of  Harran,  to  its  entire  extent, — like  the  new 
moon  I  made  its  splendor  to  shine"  (col.  ii.  24,  25). 
The  temple  of  Shamash  at  Sippar,  though  restored 
by  Nebuchadrezzar,  had  fallen  in  decay.  "When 
I  had  brought  out  Shamash  from  within  it,  and  made 
him  dwell  in  another  house,  that  house  I  pulled 
down,  and  I  made  search  for  its  old  foundation  rec- 
ord; and  I  dug  to  a  depth  of  eighteen  cubits,  and  the 
foundation  record  of  Naram-Sin  the  son  of  Sargon 
(I),  which  for  3,200  years  no  king  that  preceded  me 
had  discovered,  Shamash  the  great  lord  of  E-barra, 
the  temple  of  the  dwelling  of  his  heart's  delight,  per- 
mitted me,  even  me,  to  behold." 

209.  Nabonidus,  in  reconstructing  and  gorgeously 
decorating  the  temples  of  Sin  at  Harran  and  Shamash 
at  Sippar,  was  paying  the  highest  regards  to  the  an- 
cient divinities  of  Babylonia.  Other,  ancient  temples 
of  other  ancient  divinities  were  likewise  restored, 
and  the  former  worship  reestablished.  This  devo- 
tion to  the  shrines  of  deities  of  a  past  age  most 
naturally  detracted  from  his  zeal  for  the  great  divin- 
ities exalted  and  worshipped  as  supreme  by  Nebuchad- 
rezzar and  his  immediate  successors.  He  even  neg- 
lected attendance  upon  some  of  the  established  re- 
ligious festivals,  and  thus  incurred  the  wrath  of  the 
priestly  authorities.  This  lack  of  the  right  kind  of 
religious  patriotism  soon  aroused  against  the  king 
enemies  of  the  bitterest  kind,  who  let  no  opportunity 


222  DANGER  AHEAD 

pass  of  exposing  his  weakness.  Even  Cyrus  in  the 
early  part  of  his  cylinder^,  to  be  noted  presently, 
charges  upon  Nabonidus  malicious  intent.  (Cyl. 
6-8.)     "An  edict  of  dishonor  to  them  ....   daily 

he  contrived The  continual  offering  he 

made  to  cease  .  .  .  .  by  a  yoke  unrelaxing  he 
ruined  them  all."  As  the  years  went  by  Nabonidus 
gradually  lost  his  grip  on  the  empire.  Its  religious 
element  became  alienated  from  him,  and  its  polit- 
ical power  was  forced  to  lay  down  arms  before  the 
advance  of  a  mightier  man,  Cyrus  the  Elamite. 


+ 


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if: 


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^s  M  i  Tbi  ^  rl  i  S  T  IS  ^  ^  T 


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a  o 


o  a 

^    o 

P 
O 
p 


CHAPTER  XIX 

CYRUS  AND  THE  FALL  OF  BABYLON 

210.  The  marvelous  growth  and  prosperity  of  the 
Babylonian  empire  was  largely  due  to  the  compara- 
tive peace  which  blessed  all  her  borders.  From 
Greek  sources  we  learn  that  this  happy  condition  was 
due  to  a  triple  alliance  signed  in  585  B.  C.  between 
Nebuchadrezzar  of  Babylon,  Alyattes  of  Lydia,  and 
Cyaxares  of  Media.  The  passing  of  Nebuchadrezzar 
and  the  usurpation,  if  such  it  was,  of  the  throne  of 
Babylon  by  Nabonidus,  broke  the  bonds  of  this  alli- 
ance. Cyaxares,  too,  was  succeeded  in  Media  by 
Astyages.  These  changes  brought  with  them  a  new 
spirit  of  rivalry  and  jealousy.  The  hardy  stock  of  the 
highlands  south  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  designated  the 
TJmman-Manda,  were  aggressive  and  ambitious.  Their 
new  leader  was  anything  but  suitable  to  their  likings. 
In  a  little  province  in  northwestern  Elam  and  just 
south  of  Media,  we  find  in  559  B.  C.  a  new  character, 
Cyrus  by  name.  In  his  own  records  he  says  (Cyl. 
20-22) :  "I  am  Cyrus,  the  king  of  multitudes,  the  great 
king,  the  powerful  king,  the  king  of  Babylon,  king  of 
Sumer  and  Accad,  king  of  the  four  quarters  (of  the 
world) ;  son  of  Cambyses,  the  great  king,  king  of  the 

223 


224         CYRUS'  EARLY  CONQUESTS 

city  of  Anshan ;  the  grandson  of  Cyrus,  the  great  king, 
king  of  the  city  of  Anshan;  the  great-grandson  of 
Teispes^the  great  king, king  of  the  city  of  Anshan;  the 
enduring  seed  of  royalty,  whose  reign  Bel  and  j^ebo 
loved,  whose  lordship  for  their  hearts'  delight  they 
longed  for."  This  genealogical  table  shows  that  his 
royal  ancestry  had  become  thoroughly  established  on 
the  throne,  and  that  he  was  the  legitimate  heir  to  the 
headship  of  Anshan. 

211.  Within  ten  years  from  his  accession  (559  B. 
C.)  Cyrus  absorbed  the  Median  kingdom.  How  long 
previous  to  this  time  he  had  made  conquests  of  minor 
tribes  and  peoples  we  have  no  means  of  knowing. 
In  549  we  find  (ISTab.-Cyr.  Chron.  col.  ii.  1-4):  "[His 
troops]  he  assembled,  and  against  Cyrus,  the  king  of 
Anshan  ....  he  marched.  As  for  Astyages,  his 
troops  revolted  against  him,  and  he  was  seized  and 
hand[ed  over]  to  Cyrus.  Cyrus  marched  to  Ecba- 
tana,  the  royal  city;  the  silver,  gold,  goods  and  pos- 
sessions of  Ecbatana  he  carried  forth  and  brought 
them  to  the  land  of  Anshan."  This  seems  to  have 
been  a  voluntary  choice  on  the  part  of  the  Medes 
of  Cyrus  as  their  king,  as  against  Astyages  of  the 
IJmman-Manda.  This  throne  became  henceforth 
the  possession  of  Cyrus,  and  formed  one  of  the  chief 
elements  in  the  great  empire  which  he  afterwards 
•created.  Cyrus  occupied  the  next  two  or  three  years 
in  the  East  in  organizing  and  establishing  himself  in 


NABONIDUS'   RECORDS  225 

his  new  realms,  Persia  in  the  meantime  yielding  to 
his  arms. 

212.  In  546  (Nab.-Cyr.  Chron.  col.  ii.  Obv.  15-18), 
"in  the  month  Nisan,  Cyrus,  king  of  the  land  of 
Persia,  mustered  his  troops,  and  below  the  city  of 
Arbela  the  Tigris  he  crossed;  and  in  the  month  lyyar 

to  the  land  of  Ish its  king  he  slew,  its 

goods  he  took,  and  his  governor  he  placed  therein.'' 
In  this  western  campaign  Cyrus  was  a  victor  over 
Croesus,  king  of  Lydia,  and  pushed  his  authority  as 
far  as  the  ^gean  Sea.  This  gave  him  supremacy 
from  the  eastern  limits  of  Media,  through  the  upper 
plains  of  Mesopotamia,  eastern,  middle,  and  western 
Asia  Minor.  Further  conquests  in  the  East  occupy 
his  attention  until  the  year  539-538  B.  C.  The 
heavy  and  almost  impregnable  fortifications  of  Baby- 
lon were  left  for  the  last  stroke. 

213.  Fortunately  we  are  not  dependent  upon  the 
statements  of  second  or  third-hand  historians  for  a 
description  of  the  fall  of  Babylon.  We  have  the  rec- 
ords both  of  Nabonidus,  the  reigning  and  vanquished 
king,  and  of  Cyrus,  the  conqueror.  Though  some- 
what fragmentary  in  some  places,  they  nevertheless 
furnish  us  with  a  reasonably  good  picture  of  that 
momentous  event.  Nabonidus'  own  record  will  be 
cited  first  (Nab.-Cyr.  Chron.  col.  i.  Eev.  12-24) :  "In 
the  month  Tammuz  [June]  Cyrus  having  fought  a 
battle  at  Ukhu  on  (the  banks  of)  the  river  Zalzallat, 


226  THE  FALL  OF  BABYLON 

against  the  troops  of  the  land  of  Accad,  the  people 
of  the  land  of  Accad  arose  in  revolt.  Some  persons 
were  killed.  On  the  fourteenth  day  Sippar  was 
taken  without  fighting.  Nabonidus  fled.  On  the 
sixteenth  day,  Gobryas,  governor  of  the  land  of 
Gutium,  and  the  troops  of  Cyrus  entered  Babylon 
without  fighting.  Afterwards,  Nabonidus,  being 
shut  up  in  Babylon,  was  taken.  Until  the  end  of  the 
month,  the  shields  of  land  of  Gutium  guarded  the 
gates  of  Esagila.  No  arms  had  been  stored  in  Esa- 
gila  and  the  sacred  precincts,  nor  had  any  weapons 
entered  them.  In  the  month  Marchesvan  (October), 
on  the  third  day,  Cyrus  entered  Babylon,  the  walls 
submitted  before  him.  Peace  for  the  city  he  estab- 
lished. Cyrus  spake  peace  to  Babylon,  to  the  whole 
of  it.  Gobryas  his  governor  he  appointed  governor 
of  Babylon.  From  the  month  Chislev  to  the  month 
Adar  (November  to  February),  the  gods  of  the  land 
of  Accad,  whom  Nabonidus  had  carried  to  Babylon, 
returned  to  their  own  cities.  On  the  11th  day  of 
the  month  Marchesvan,  at  night,  Gobryas  .... 
.  .  .  .the  king's  wife  died.  From  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  the  month  Adar  to  the  third  of  the  month 
Nisan,  there  was  lamentation  in  Accad ;  all  the  people 
smote  their  heads."  This  remaiikable  piece  of  the 
royal  annals  astonishes  us  by  recording  but  one  bat- 
tle in  the  neighborhood  of  Babylon.  That  was 
fought  near  Accad,  and  resulted  favorably  for  Cyrus' 
troops.     Thence  the  way  was  open  into  the  city  of 


CLAY  CYLINDER  OF  CYRUH 

DESCRIBING  THE  CAPTURE  OF   BABYLON 


THE  RECORDS  OP  CYRUS  227 

the  empire.  The  reception  of  the  army  is  equalled 
only  by  the  liberty  which  was  announced  for  the 
whole  city. 

214.  Cyrus^  own  cylinder  gives  us  a  no  less  won- 
derful story.  This  sets  out  by  assuring  the  reader 
that  Cyrus  was  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  idea  that 
he  was  the  man  of  destiny  (Cyl.  11-19,  22-24):  "He 
(Merodach)  sought  for,  he  found  him,  yea,  he  sought 
out  an  upright  prince,  after  his  own  heart,  whom  Ke 
took  by  his  hand,  Cyrus,  king  of  the  city  of  Anshan ; 
he  called  his  name;  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  whole 
world,  he  called  him  by  name.  The  land  of  Qutu 
and  all  the  Umman-Manda  he  subjected  to  his  feet; 
the  black-headed  people,  whom  his  hand  conquered, 
— in  faithfulness  he  governed  them.  Merodach  the 
great  lord,  the  guardian  of  his  people,  beheld  with 
joy  the  blessed  deeds  and  his  upright  heart.  To  his 
own  city  Babylon,  he  issued  orders  to  march ;  he  bade 
him  also  take  the  road  to  Babylon;  like  a  friend  and 
helper  he  marched  at  his  side.  His  wide-extended 
troops,  whose  number  like  the  waters  of  a  river  could 
not  be  known,  in  full  armor,  marched  at  his  side. 
Without  clash  or  battle  he  (Merodach)  made  him 
enter  Babylon.  His  own  city  Babylon  he  spared 
(from  disaster);  Nabonidus  the  king,  who  had  not 
revered  him,  he  delivered  into  his  hand.  The  people 
of  Babylon  in  a  body,  the  whole  land  of  Sumer  and 
Accad,  the  nobles  and  the  great  ones,  prostrated 
themselves  before  him,  kissed  his  feet,  rejoiced  at 


228       THE  TWO  RECORDS  COMPARED 

his  sovereignty,  their  countenances  shone.  The  lord 
(Merodach)  who  by  his  power  had  raised  the  dead, 
who  had  freed  all  from  difficulty  and  distress, — they 

gladly  did  him  homage,  heeded  his  word 

When  I  had  entered  Babylon  peacefully, 

with  rejoicings  and  great  joy,  I  took  possession  of 
the  king's  palace  as  my  royal  residence.  Merodach,  the 
great  lord  [granted!]  me  the  open  heart  of  the  sons 
(^inhabitants)  of  Babylon;  and  daily  I  invoked  him. 
My  great  army  I  stationed  peacefully  throughout 
Babylon." 

215.  These  two  records  of  the  capture  of  Babylon 
from  two  different  sources — one  might  rightfully 
say  from  two  opposing  forces — present  a  marvellous 
harmony.  They  unite  in  the  statement  that  the  city 
made  no  resistance  to  the  entrance  of  the  army  of 
Cyrus,  neither  was  there  any  objection  to  his  im- 
mediate assumption  of  control,  unless,  in  the  Nab.- 
Cyr.  Chron.,  we  interpret  the  guard  about  the  temple 
of  Esagila  as  a  minor  siege.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  population  of  the  city  seems  to  have  welcomed 
their  new  conqueror,  deliverer,  and  ruler,  as  a  friend 
and  benefactor.  The  popular  prejudice  aroused  by 
the  faithful  devotees  of  Bel  and  Nebo  against  Nabon- 
idus  for  his  neglect  of  worship,  gladly  transferred 
their  fealty  to  one  who  honored  and  revered  the  great 
'gods  of  Babylon.  It  had  likewise  become  evident 
that  the  sway  of  Cyrus  meant  for  other  lands  a  re- 
newed and  continuous  political  prosperity  and  a  reli- 


THE  POLICY  OP  CYRUS  229 

gious  liberty  unknown  in  the  annals  of  other  rulers. 
This  array  of  facts  freely  opened  the  gates  of  Baby- 
lon to  give  Cyrus  a  royal  welcome.  In  view  of  this 
direct  testimony  of  two  contemporaneous  documents, 
we  are  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  the  story  of 
Herodotus  that  Cyrus  diverted  the  waters  of  the 
Euphrates  from  its  channel  and  marched  in  under 
the  unguarded  gates  of  the  river,  cannot  be  true. 
It  may  refer  to  the  later  capture  of  Babylon  by  Darius 
in  516  B.  C. 

216.  The  policy  adopted  by  Cyrus,  and  put  into 
effect  at  once  in  Babylon,  fostered  the  affectionate 
favor  of  the  gods  and  of  his  subjects.  (Cyl.  24- 
36) :  "I  permitted  Sumer  and  Accad  to  have  no  gain- 
sayer.  In  Babylon  and  in  all  its  cities  I  was  solicit- 
ous for  the  peace  of  the  inhabitants 

Their  sighing  I  quieted,  I  soothed  their  sorrow.  To 
[do]  works  Merodach,  the  great  lord,  gave  [me] 
command.  To  me  Cjmis,  the  king  that  reveres  him, 
and  to  Cambyses  the  son,  the  issue  of  [my]  body, 

,  to  the  whole  of  my  army  he  graciously 

inclined All  the  kings  who  abode  in 

royal  palaces,  who  in  all  parts  of  the  world  from  the 
upper  sea  to  the  lower  sea  abode  on  dry  land,  the 
kings  of  the  West-land,  dwellers  in  tents,  all  of  them 
brought  their  rich  tribute  into  Babylon  and  kissed 

my  feet.     From    .    .    .    Asshur Accad, 

Abnunak,  the  city  of  Zamban,  the  city  of  Mi-Turnu, 
Durili  unto  the  border  of  Qutu,  cities  on  the  Tigris 


230  CYRUS  A  POLYTHEIST 

whose  settlements  were  founded  from  of  old, — the 
gods  that  abode  in  them  I  restored  to  their  place, 
and  settled  them  in  an  everlasting  abode;  all  their 
population  I  gathered  together  and  restored  to  their 
own  dwelling-places.  And  the  gods  of  the  land  of 
Sumer  and  Accad  whom  Nabonidus,  to  the  anger  of 
the  lord  of  the  gods  (Merodach),  had  brought  into 
Babylon,  by  the  command  of  Merodach  the  great 
lord  I  made  to  dwell  safely  in  their  own  places,  ac- 
cording to  their  desires.  May  all  the  gods  whom 
I  brought  into  their  own  cities,  daily  before  Bel 
(Merodach)  and  Nebo  intercede  for  a  long  life  for 
me!  may  they  speak  in  my  favor,  and  to  Merodach, 
my  lord,  let  them  say:  Cyrus  the  king,  who  reveres 

thee,  and  Cambyses  his  son, .  made 

them  dwell  in  a  quiet  habitation." 

Unfortunately  the  remaining  lines  of  this  notable 
inscription  are  almost  entirely  broken  away.  What 
has  been  quoted  gives  us  the  sweep  of  Cyrus'  su- 
premacy and  the  gist  of  his  beneficent  policy.  He 
was  the  protector  and  the  bounteous  promoter  of  the 
welfare  of  his  subjects.  Their  deities  and  their 
methods  of  worship  were  graciously  restored,  and 
dignified  by  elevating  them  to  their  former  positions. 
The  peoples,  too,  who  had  been  forcibly  deported 
from  their  native  lands  were  restored  by  the  king's 
,decree.  This  generous  policy,  in  contrast  with  that 
of  preceding  rulers,  gave  Cyrus  unwonted  influence 
and  power  over  his  retainers.    It  may  be  that  the  fact 


CYRUS  AND  PROPHECY  231 

that  he  was  an  Aryan,  with  newer  and  freer  ideas 
than  those  that  had  grown  up  in  Semitic  thought 
and  power,  threw  an  added  charm  about  his  per- 
sonality and  policy. 

217.  The  significance  of  the  rise  of  Cyrus  is  vividly 
portrayed  by  the  prophetic  words  to  the  exiles  in 
Babylon.     Words  of  comfort  addressed  to  the  ex- 
iles assure  them  (xl.  1,  2)  that  their  punishment  will 
soon  cease.     They  shall  return  to  their  home-land, 
inhabit  it  and  rebuild  their  cities  and  restore  the 
waste  places  (xliv.  26).     This  shall  be  accomplished 
by  a  deliverer  who  is  already  on  his  way  to  conquer. 
"Who  hath  raised  up  one  from  the  east,  whom  he 
calleth  in  righteousness  to  his  foot?  he  giveth  nations 
before  him  and  maketh  him  rule  over  kings;    he 
giveth  them  as  the  dust  to  his  sword,  as  the  driven 
stubble  to  his  bow.     He  pursueth  them,  and  pass- 
eth  on  safely;  even  by  a  way  that  he  had  not  gone 
with  his  feet.     Who  hath  wrought  and  done  it,  call- 
ing the  generations  from  the  beginning?    I,  Jeho- 
vah, the  first,  and  with  the  last,  I  am  he"  (xli.  2-4). 
Again  we  find,  "Thus  saith  Jehovah  to  his  anointed 
(selected),  Cyrus,  whose  right  hand  I  have  holden, 
to  subdue  nations  before  him,  and  I  will  loose  the 
loins  of  kings;  to  open  the  doors  before  him,  and  the 
gates  shall  not  be  shut.   .....     For  Jacob  my 

servant's  sake,  and  Israel  my  chosen,  I  have  called 
thee  by  name:  I  have  surnamed  thee,  though  thou 
hast  not  known  me.     I  am  Jehovah,  and  there  is 


232  BABYLON  AlU)  PROPHECY 

none  else ;  beside  me  there  is  no  God :  I  will  gird  thee, 
though  thou  hast  not  known  me"  (xlv.  1, 4,  5).  Cyrus 
is  distinctly  designated  as  the  agent  of  Jehovah  to 
conquer  the  nations.  His  mission  was  a  providential 
one,  and  in  no  sense  because  he  was  a  worshipper  of 
Jehovah,  for  the  sake  of  his  servant  Jacob. 

218.  To  deliver  the  Jews  it  was  necessary  that  the 
great  Babylon,  the  pride  of  her  kings,  the  yoke  of 
her  subjects,  should  fall.  Numerous  prophecies  from 
Jeremiah  down  had  pictured  her  doom.  But  her  con- 
querer  is  now  at  hand.  "Come  down  and  sit  in  the 
dust,  0  virgin  daughter  of  Babylon ;  sit  on  the  ground 
without  a  throne,  0  daughter  of  the  Chaldeans:  for 
thou  shalt  no  more  be  called  tender  and  delicate. 
...  Sit  thou  silent,  and  get  thee  into  darkness,  0 
daughter  of  the  Chaldeans :  for  thou  shalt  no  more  be 
called  the  lady  of  kingdoms."  "Thou  art  wearied 
in  the  multitude  of  thy  counsels:  let  now  the  astrol- 
ogers, the  star-gazers,  the  monthly  prognosticators, 
stand  up  and  save  thee  from  the  things  that  shall 
come  upon  thee.     Behold  they  shall  be  as  stubble, 

there  shall  be  none  to  save  thee"  (xlvii. 

1,  5,  13,  15).  Nothing  that  they  can  muster  shall 
be  able  to  avert  the  certain  doom  of  the  wicked  city. 
On  the  eve  of  its  fall  the  prophet  sees  some  of  its 
consequences.  "Bel  (Merodach)  bows  down,  Nebo 
crouches;  their  idols  are  upon  the  beasts,  and  upon 
the  cattle:  the  things  that  ye  carried  about  are  made 
a  load,  a  burden  to  the  weary  beast.     They  stoop. 


CYRUS  AND  THE  JEWS  233 

they  bow  down  together;  they  could  not  deliver  the 
burden,  but  themselves  are  gone  into  captivity"  (xlvi. 
1,  2).  The  substance  of  these  and  other  prophecies 
is  that  Babylon  must  be  humiliated,  her  proud  posi- 
tion surrendered,  and  even  her  idols  become  a  load 
for  beasts  and  not  a  joy  to  their  own  worshippers.  This 
last  statement  was  fulfilled  only  in  the  sense  that  the 
idols,  as  contrasted  with  Jehovah's  power  who  was 
bringing  this  about,  would  be  merely  a  burden  of  use- 
less material.  For  as  Cyrus  himself  claimed,  it  was 
under  the  auspices  of  the  gods  that  he  marched  into 
Babylon. 

219.  Having  already  given  (213,  214)  the  con- 
temporaneous records  of  the  fall  of  Babylon,  let  us 
now  consider  the  Jewish  return.  We  have  noted 
(215)  that  Cyrus  inaugurated  a  policy  of  generosity 
towards  his  new  subjects,  that  he  endeavored  to  pro- 
mote in  every  way  their  welfare.  As  a  wise  states- 
man, a  shrewd  politician,  and  a  kind-hearted  ruler, 
he  planned  methods  by  which  he  could  better  the 
condition  of  his  peoples.  He  was  ready  to  espouse 
their  cause  almost  to  the  endangerment  of  his  throne. 
He  revered  their  gods,  and  where  they  had  been  neg- 
lected or  desecrated,  he  was  solicitous  for  their  restor- 
ation to  their  former  veneration.  Babylon  and  all 
its  precincts  bore  evidences  of  his  spirit  in  the  re- 
building and  rededication  of  many  shrines  and  tem- 
ples. His  own  appeals  to  the  gods,  and  his  avowal 
of  their  support,  reveal  Cyrus  as  a  polytheist  of  a  pro- 


234  THE  PROCLAMATION  OP  CYRUS 

nounced  type.  It  was  not  a  matter  of  monotheism, 
of  a  possible  Zoroastrianism,  that  called  his  atten- 
tion to  the  Jews,  but  other  reasons  of  no  mean  pro- 
portions. (1)  In  addition  to  the  restoration  and  re- 
habilitation of  captive  and  dethroned  deities,  he  says 
(Cyl.  32):  "Ail  of  their  peoples  I  gathered  together 
and  restored  to  their  own  dwelling-places."  This 
definitely  stated  national  policy  gives  us  one  reason 
for  the  royal  proclamation  (Ezra  i.  2-4)  issued  in 
favor  of  the  Jews.  (2)  It  is  altogether  probable  that 
Cyrus  caught  up  from  some  one  in  Babylonia  the 
mission  which  had  been  assigned  him  by  the  prophets. 
"Cyrus  is  my  shepherd,  and  shall  perform  all  my 
pleasure:  even  saying  of  Jerusalem,  She  shall  be 
built;  and  to  the  temple,  thy  foundation  shall  be  laid" 
(Isa.  xliv.  28).  (3)  Palestine  had  been  a  kind  of 
buffer-state  from  time  immemorial  between  south- 
western Asia  and  Egypt.  To  occupy  and  hold  that 
strong  fortress,  Jerusalem,  was  the  first  step  toward 
the  conquest  of  the  rival  power.  If  Cyrus  could  con- 
serve that  advantage  by  aiding  the  Jews  to  build  and 
hold  it,  he  would  be  setting  up  one  battlement  in  the 
face  of  Egypt's  army.  For  one  of  his  next  strokes 
would  be  at  the  rival  power  on  the  Mle. 

220.  C}Tus  issued  his  proclamation  authorizing  the 
return  of  the  Jewish  exiles  in  the  first  year  of  his 
sovereignty  as  king  of  Persia  (Ezra  1.  1),  538  B.  C. 
It  is  entirely  reasonable  to  conjecture  that,  in  accord- 
ance with  his  general  principles  of  government,  he 


PORTRAIT  OF  CYRUS 
( From  Murghab) 


THE  FIRST  JEWISH  RETURN  235 

issued  many  similar  documents.  The  copy  quoted 
in  Ezra  i.  3-4  gives  a  few  only  of  the  specifications 
originally  announced.  In  subsequent  references  to 
the  document  (iii.  2-7;  v.  13-16;  vi.  1-5),  we  discover 
that  elaborate  provisions  were  made  for  the  building 
of  the  temple,  as  well  as  for  the  reinauguration  of  the 
worship  of  Jehovah.  Cyrus  h^d  not  overlooked  any- 
thing that  would  contribute  to  the  rapid  reclamation 
of  this  western  waste.  The  proclamation  was  of  such 
scope  as  to  include  the  Jews  in  any  part  of  his  realm. 
The  citizens  of  the  empire  were  also  authorized,  if 
they  chose,  to  render  assistance  to  the  pilgrims  to 
Palestine.  How  generally  they  responded  to  the 
royal  edict  is  stated  in  Ezra  ii.  This  pilgrimage  of 
less  than  fifty  thousand  of  the  faithful  to  the  land  of 
their  fathers  relieved  the  administration  of  Cyrus 
from  the  presence,  in  any  part  of  the  realm,  of  a  dis- 
satisfied, disturbing  Jewish  element.  It  also  popu- 
lated and  built  up  a  section  of  his  territory  which  had 
been  overrun  and  devastated  by  successive  armies  of 
Assyria  and  Babylonia.  It  likewise  gave  spirit  to  a 
people  whose  national  life  had  been  next  to  blotted 
out  by  a  succession  of  well-deserved  chastisements 
and  captivities.  In  this  event  many  of  the  brightest 
and  most  hopeful  utterances  of  the  great  prophets 
found  their  fulfillment,  and  their  fruition. 


CHAPTER  XX 

DANIEL  AND   BELSHAZZAR 

221.  Our  sources  of  information  for  this  chapter 
are  somewhat  scanty.  There  are  a  few  inscriptions 
that  contribute  something  on  the  life  of  the  times, 
on  the  personality  of  Belshazzar,  and  on  the  fate  of 
the  city  in  which  Daniel  lived.  The  book  of  Daniel, 
so  full  of  references  assigned  to  this  period,  will  also 
serve,  so  far  as  its  statements  go,  to  let  in  a  few 
further  rays  of  light  on  this  epoch. 

222.  The  presence  in  Babylon  of  one  sturdy.  God- 
fearing Jew,  during  the  whole  time  of  the  existence 
of  the  new  Babylonian  empire,  is  an  event  of  more 
than  ordinary  significance.  There  is  no  sufficient 
reason  for  the  denial  of  the  historicity  of  the  person 
Daniel.  But  when  and  how  did  he  reach  Babylon? 
The  solution  of  this  question  rests  in  part,  doubtless, 
on  the  position  taken  regarding  the  extent  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar's march  after  his  battle  with  Necho.  It 
has  already  been  stated  (200)  that  there  is  no  inher- 
ent improbability  in  the  statement  of  Dan.  i.  1,  even 
though  it  were  not  put  in  written  form  until  cen- 
turies thereafter.  The  education  of  Jewish  youths 
in  the  court  of  Nebuchadrezzar  would  be  in  harmony 

236 


THE  WISE  MEN  OF  BABYLON  237 

with  his  scheme  of  a  world-wide  administration. 
The  promotion  of  Joseph  in  Egypt,  and  the  adop- 
tion of  foreigners  in  the  Turkish  court  of  to-day,  are 
examples  of  recourse  to  the  same  methods  to  facili- 
tate government.  The  schools  of  Babylonia- Assyria 
are  reflected  in  the  lists  of  cuneiform  exercises,  which 
were  prepared  by  just  such  pupils  as  were  Daniel 
and  his  companions.  Their  three  years  of  training 
were  years  of  severe  application  to  learn  the  intri- 
cacies and  mysteries  of  the  cuneiform  language,  and 
the  monumental  literature  and  science  which  it  con- 
cealed. 

223.  The  Babylonian  court  was  rich  in  hangers- 
on.  There  were,  besides  the  priests  and  other  officials 
connected  immediately  with  the  temple  service, 
magicians,  soothsayers,  astrologers,  sorcerers,  en- 
chanters, and  a  special  rank,  called  Chaldeans.  It  is 
not  easy  always  to  distinguish  between  the  functions 
of  these  different  classes.  They  constituted  one  of 
the  most  useful  addenda  to  the  court.  Their  services 
were  in  demand  on  all  important  or  critical  occasions, 
and  their  decisions,  like  those  of  the  oracle  of  Delphi, 
were  held  in  supreme  reverence.  The  case  of  the 
calling  of  Balaam  (Num.  xxii.,  xxiii.)  by  Balak,  king 
of  Moab,  from  Pethor  (Pitru  on  the  Euphrates,  in 
the  cuneiform  inscriptions)  to  curse  his  new  enemy 
the  children  of  Israel,  is  an  example  of  the  impor- 
tance attached  to  these  semi-officials.  They  were 
among  the  wisest  men  of  their  times.     They  could 


238  DANIEL'S  PROMOTION 

often  read  with  surprising  accuracy  the  signs  of  the 
times,  and  could  so  adapt  their  wisdom  to  their  pat- 
rons' desires  as  often  to  win  for  themselves  fame  and 
wealth  (cf.  Num.  xxii.  7,  16,  17,  37;  xxiv.  13). 

224.  Daniel's  training  and  acuteness  soon  brought 
him  and  his  companions  into  competition  with  the 
other  wise  men  of  Babylon.  At  length  Daniel's  day 
came.  The  king  had  forgotten  an  important  dream, 
and  demanded  of  his  magi  both  the  recalling  and  in- 
terpretation of  it.  Their  failure  to  comply  with  his 
demand  involved  both  themselves  and  the  Jewish 
youths  in  a  sentence  of  death  (Dan.  ii.  13).  Daniel's 
prudent  reply  to  the  captain  of  the  slaughter-guard 
gave  him  an  opportunity.  And  by  divinely-given 
wisdom  he  outranked  all  of  his  rivals.  He  secured 
for  himself  great  prizes,  and  governorship  over  the 
province  of  Babylon,  and  the  position  of  chief  gov- 
ernor over  all  the  wise  men  of  Babylon.  In  addition, 
the  king  honored  his  request  and  appointed  his  three 
companions  over  affairs  in  the  province  of  Babylon. 
But  Daniel  was  at  the  king's  court  (Dan.  ii.  48,  49). 
This  is  the  story  that  we  find  in  Dan.  ii.  There  is 
no  evidence  yet  discovered  in  the  inscriptions  to 
confirm  it,  and  none  to  dispute  its  truthfulness.  The 
disturbing  element  in  many  minds  is  the  remarkably 
miraculous  character  of  the  things  done.  But  these 
are  quite  equalled  by  the  story  of  Joseph  in  Egypt. 

225.  The  promotion  of  Daniel,  according  to  the 
statement  of  Dan.  ii.  1,  was  made  in  the  second  year 


CAMEO  OF  NEBUCHADREZZAR 


>~—       i-i—,       tr-— '       t-t? 


p::: 


f  t 


.'  .A, 


rr; 

_        . 

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— ^     i 
f 

r — ' 

i-^ 

1 
)    t 

'       -*         '.    .  ',        ■•  iVsfi        Wr  J        J^' 


r-  f 


THE  WALLS   OF   BABYLON 
(From  a  relief  in  Assurbanipal's  palace  in  Nineveh) 


DANIEL  AT  THE  FEAST  239 

of  Nebuchadrezzar  (603  B.  C).  With  the  single 
exception  of  the  time  of  the  interpretation  of  the 
second  dream  of  the  king  (in  chap,  iv.),  Daniel  does 
not  appear  again  until  the  fall  of  Babylon  (538  B.  C), 
a  period  of  sixty-five  years.  We  have  no  means  of 
estimating  what  he  may  have  accomplished  for  Nebu- 
chadrezzar in  the  building-up  and  extension  of  the 
new  Babylonian  empire.  His  influence  with  the  king 
and  his  power  as  governor  of  the  chief  province  of 
the  empire  were  doubtless  important  factors  in  de- 
termining the  fate  of  the  Jewish  exiles.  It  is  alto- 
gether probable  that  the  clemency  allowed  the  com- 
munities of  exiles  at  various  points  in  Babylonia,  and 
the  possibilities  of  settlements  in  houses  (Jer.  xxix. 
5),  and  the  engagement  of  exiles  in  business  enter- 
prises, was  due  to  the  paramount  influence  at  court 
of  that  godly  statesman.  During  all  the  vicissitudes 
of  the  last  two  decades  of  the  Babylonian  empire, 
when  anarchy  and  bloodshed  stained  the  throne,  and 
when  the  governmental  policy  toward  the  Jews  was 
uncertain,  we  can  conceive  that  Daniel's  counsel  was 
eagerly  sought,  and  faithfully  followed.  We  shall 
never  know  how  much  courage  his  faithfulness  gave 
to  the  prophets  as  they  prophesied  the  mercy  and 
pardon  of  God,  and  the  release  of  the  exiles. 

226.  Daniel's  first  recorded  appearance  after  a 
period  of  silence  of  more  than  one-half  a  century  is 
found  in  the  account  of  Belshazzar's  feast.  In  the 
midst  of  the  sacrilegious  and  defiant  act  of  desecrat- 


240  BELSHAZZAR  AND  THE  KING 

ing  the  vessels  brought  from  Jerusalem,  a  shadow- 
hand  wrote  on  the  wall  opposite  the  king,  four  mys- 
terious words.  Terror  seizes  him,  and  the  wise 
men  are  called  to  interpret  these  riddles.  Baffled 
and  defeated,  they  withdraw.  Now  the  queen 
(mother(!))  recalls  the  fact  that  Nebuchadrezzar 
had  found  Daniel  a  man  ^^in  whom  is  the  spirit  of 
the  holy  gods"  (Dan.  v.  11).  Probably  at  the  change 
of  administration  Daniel  had  been  retired  as  a  *back 
number.'  But  now  a  crisis  was  at  hand,  and  the 
wise  men  had  ignominiously  failed.  The  venerable 
old  wise  man,  probably  about  eighty-five  years  of  age, 
was  sent  for.  With  the  same  unerring  divine  wisdom 
employed  in  interpreting  the  dreams  of  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, Daniel  read  aloud,  to  the  horror  of  every  lis- 
tener, the  written  doom  of  the  kingdom :  "Numbered, 
numbered,  weighed,  divisions.''  For  this  master's 
victory  he  was  made  the  third  ruler  in  the  kingdom, 
Nabonidus  being  first,  and  Belshazzar  second.  But 
the  position  was  ephemeral,  for  the  prophecy  found 
its  fulfillment  on  that  same  night  (Dan.  v.  30). 

227.  Belshazzar  was  a  public  character  in  the  last 
years  of  the  Babylonian  empire.  In  the  passage  de- 
scriptive of  his  feast  (Dan.  v.)  he  is  called  "the  king," 
while  in  the  inscriptions  of  this  period,  noted  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  Nabonidus  was  king  at  the  fall 
of  Babylon.  What  is  the  explanation  of  this  ap- 
parent discrepancy?  What  was  the  relation,  if  any, 
existing  between  the  inscriptional  and  the  Danielic 


BELSHAZZAR  IN  THE   INSCRIPTIONS  241 

kings  of  Babylon  just  on  the  eve  of  its  fall?  In  one 
of  Nabonidus^  inscriptions  (I  Eawl.  68,  No.  1,  col. 
ii.  24-31),  we  find;  "And  in  the  heart  of  Belshazzar, 
my  eldest  son,  my  offspring,  implant  the  fear  of  thy 
great  godhead!  let  him  not  sin!  may  he  be  satisfied 
with  the  fulness  of  life!''  This  evidence  is  supple- 
mented by  a  few  contract  tablets  dating  from  differ- 
ent years  of  the  reign  of  Nabonidus.  One  tablet  in- 
scribed in  "the  fifth  year  of  Nabonidus,  king  of  Baby- 
lon," tells  that  "'the  secretary  of  Belshazzar,  the  son 
of  the  king,  leased  a  house  for  a  term  of  three  years, 
for  one  and  one-half  manehs  of  silver,  and  other 
considerations."  Another  tablet  dated  in  "the  elev- 
enth year  of  Nabonidus,  king  of  Babylon"  (545  B. 
C),  reads:  "The  sum  of  twenty  manehs  of  silver, 
for  wool,  the  property  of  Belshazzar,  the  son  of  the 
king,  which  has  been  delivered  to  Iddin-Merodach 
....  through  the  agency  of  Nebo-zabit,  the  stew- 
ard of  Belshazzar,  the  son  of  the  king."  A  third 
tablet  dating  from  "the  twelfth  year  of  Nabonidus, 
king  of  Babylon,"  states  that  ISTebo-zabit,  of  the 
house  of  Belshazzar,  had  lent  through  a  loans-broker 
a  sum  of  money,  and  taken  as  security  the  crops  to 
be  grown  near  Babylon.  There  can  be  no  reasonable 
doubt,  then,  that  Nabonidus  the  last  king  of  Baby- 
lon was  the  father  of  a  son  Belshazzar  (Bel-shar- 
uzur),  whose  position  as  heir  to  the  throne  must  have 
been  one  of  prominence  and  authority  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  kingdom. 


242  belshazzar's  last  stand 

228.  Since,  then,  Belshazzar  was  a  son  of  the  reign- 
ing king,  let  us  see  whether  in  the  inscriptions  he 
was  invested  with  any  authority,  or  given  any  trust. 
In  the  annals  of  Nabonidus  (Col.  ii.  Obv.  1.  5,  10,  19, 
23),  dated  in  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign  (549), 
we  find:  "The  king  was  in  the  city  of  Tema;  the 
king's  son,  the  nobles,  and  his  troops  were  in  the 
land  of  Accad."  This  same  thing  is  said  of  the 
ninth,  tenth,  and  eleventh  years  of  Nabonidus.  An 
unfortunate  break  in  the  tablet  carrying  the  annals 
loses  for  us  all  the  remaining  years  to  the  last,  the 
seventeenth.  In  this  eventful  year  the  army  of 
Cyrus  appears  on  the  horizon.  A  battle  was  fought 
with  the  troops  of  Accad  (Annals,  Col.  i.  Kev.  13, 
14),  which  were  probably  at  this  time  as  they  had 
been  in  the  seventh,  ninth,  tenth,  and  eleventh  years, 
under  the  command  of  the  king's  son.  The  popu- 
lation of  Accad  arose  in  revolt  and  there  was  blood- 
shed. On  the  fourteenth  day  of  Tammuz  (June), 
Sippar  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  invaders,  with- 
out a  battle,  and  ISTabonidus  fled  to  Babylon.  Now 
what  became  of  the  king's  son?  Is  Belshazzar's 
feast  one  of  the  accessories,  one  of  the  final  tragedies 
of  the  taking  of  Babylonia?  If  so,  where  was  that 
gorgeous  assembly  feasted?  The  representation  in 
Dan.  V.  leads  to  the  implication  that  there  were  pres- 
ent many  men  of  high  authority,  some  of  whom 
possibly  had  come  to  Babylonia  from  outlying  prov- 


WHERE  WAS  BELSHAZZAR  SLAIN?  243 

inces  to  aid  in  the  final  resistance  to  the  army  of 
Cyrus. 

229.  In  determining  this  question,  we  must  ascer- 
tain as  nearly  as  possible  where  the  necessary  con- 
ditions are  to  be  found.  The  only  battle  mentioned 
in  the  records  thus  far  discovered  was  fought  in  the 
land  of  Accad.  The  immediate  issue  of  this  fight 
is  not  given,  though  the  final  outcome  was  doubt- 
less a  victory  for  Cyrus.  It  may  be  that  the  Baby- 
lonian (Chaldean)  army  after  striking  a  severe  blow 
at  the  invaders  retired  within  the  walls  of  Accad, 
and  as  a  final  rally  determined  to  celebrate  their 
valor,  and  fire  their  martial  zeal,  by  a  sumptuous 
patriotic  banquet.  But  (Nab.  Annals,  Col.  i.  Eev. 
13,  14)  "the  people  of  the  land  of  Accad  rose  in 
revolt,  and  many  were  slain."  If  at  Accad,  the  citi- 
zens and  possibly  army  arose  in  defiance  of  authority, 
at  the  futility  of  further  resistance  to  Cyrus.  When 
the  great  feast  had  extended  well  into  the  night  and 
the  banqueters  had  yielded  their  reason  and  their 
powers  to  the  soothing  and  mellowing  qualities  of 
wine,  the  revolters  broke  into  the  royal  banqueting 
hall  and  cut  down  right  and  left  the  riotous  lords. 
This  well  accords  with  the  statement,  "In  that  night 
Belshazzar  the  Chaldean  king  was  slain"  (Dan.  v.  30). 
The  second  location  given  to  Belshazzar's  feast,  and 
the  one  commonly  accepted  though  not  authorized 
in  Dan.  v.,  lies  in  the  possibility  of  such  a  fight 


244  BELSHAZZAR  IN    ''DANIEL" 

in  Babylon.  We  saw  (Annals,  Col.  i.  Rev.  16-19) 
that  the  temple  Esagila  in  Babylon  was  surrounded 
for  one  month  by  troops,  and  at  the  end  of  that 
time  yielded,  though  nothing  is  said  of  any  fight  or 
bloodshed.  If  Belshazzar  held  his  great  banquet 
in  Babylon  it  was  in  this  enclosure;  and  at  the  end 
of  the  period  of  siege,  taking  advantage  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  defence,  it  was  broken  into  and  the 
debauchees  dispatched.  This  latter  position  would 
more  easily  explain  the  ready  presence  at  the  banquet 
of  the  vessels  captured  at  Jerusalem.  But  the  former 
view,  that  all  transpired  at  Accad,  accords  better 
with  the  testimony  of  the  monuments. 

230.  Difficulty  is  sometimes  found  with  certain 
positions  attributed  by  the  book  of  Daniel  to  Bel- 
shazzar. If  Nabonidus  was  king  at  the  fall  of  Baby- 
Ion,  how  does  the  narrative  in  Daniel  give  the  same 
title  to  Belshazzar?  Long  ages  before  the  fall  of 
Babylon,  we  find  cases  where  the  prince-regent  was 
made  and  called  "king"  during  the  lifetime  of  his 
father.  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah  appointed  his  son 
Jehoram  king  of  Judah  seven  years  before  his  (the 
father's)  death  (cf.  2  Kings  viii.  16  with  i.  19). 
Jotham  was  made  king  of  Judah  when  his  father 
TJzziah  was  smitten  with  leprosy,  though  still  living 
and  reckoned  as  king  in  the  final  summing  up  the 
years  of  his  reign.  Before  starting  on  his  dangerous 
campaign  of  conquest  toward  central  Asia,  Cyrus  is 
said  to  have  appointed  Cambyses  as  his  successor. 


DANIEL'S  CAREER  CLOSED  245 

Belshazzar  had  occupied  this  position  apparently  for 
some  time  before  the  fall  of  Babylon  (Dan.  vii.; 
viii.).  Again,  the  queen  and  Daniel  address  Bel- 
shazzar with  the  expression,  "Nebuchadnezzar  thy 
father."  We  have  no  positive  proof  that  Belshazzar 
was  a  descendant  of  the  great  founder  of  the  em- 
pire. "Jehu  son  of  Omri"  is  found  on  the  inscrip- 
tions of  Shalmaneser  II,  when  Jehu  was  the  extir- 
pator of  the  house  of  Omri.  In  all  probability, 
then,  this  means  no  more  than  that  Belshazzar  was 
a  successor  of  Nebuchadrezzar  on  the  throne  of  Baby- 
lon. 

231.  "And  Darius  the  Mede  received  the  king- 
dom, being  about  threescore  and  two  years  old"  (Dan. 
v.  31).  Up  to  the  present  time  no  such  character 
has  been  found  for  this  period  in  the  inscriptions. 
jSTabonidus  (Annals,  Col.  i.  Rev.  20)  says  of  Cyrus: 
"Gobryas,  his  officer,  he  appointed  governor  in  Baby- 
lon." Many  scholars  maintain  that  "Gubaru,"  the 
original  form  of  "Gobryas,"  is  to  be  identified  with 
"Darius."  This  is,  at  least,  not  impossible.  We  know 
that  Cyrus  was  a  restless  conqueror,  and,  as  rapidly 
as  possible,  gave  the  control  of  his  provinces  into  the 
hands  of  subordinates.  If  there  is  a  possibility  of 
this  identification,  then  Daniel,  as  Jeremiah  at  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem,  was  held  in  the  highest  reverence 
by  the  victors.  In  addition,  he  was  given  a  position 
of  honor  and  responsibility  in  the  administration  of 
the  affairs  of  the  kingdom.     In  this  office  he  was  the 


246  THE  BOOK  OP  DANIEL 

victim  of  a  malicious  political  intrigue.  His  punish- 
ment of  being  thrown  into  the  den  of  lions  was  a 
characteristic  Persian  method  of  getting  rid  of  crim- 
inals. But  the  power  which  had  controlled  and  pre- 
served Daniel  was  equal  to  the  emergency,  and  he 
triumphed  over  his  victors.  With  this  event  we 
have  the  last  recorded  reference  to  Daniel  in  the 
capacity  of  a  politician.  He  was  the  recipient,  how- 
ever, according  to  our  book,  of  a  series  of  visions, 
whose  symbolism  pictured  the  political  revolutions 
down  to  the  middle  of  the  second  century  B.  C. 

232.  This  chapter  would  not  be  complete  without 
a  few  remarks  on  the  Book  of  Daniel.  It  its  present 
form  it  appears  in  two  languages:  Hebrew,  with  a 
large  section  (ii.  4b — vii.)  in  Aramaic.  The  first  six 
chapters  purport  to  be  history,  while  the  last  six 
are  visions.  In  its  style  of  composition  it  is  unique. 
It  abounds  in  full,  almost  redundant  expressions, 
and  a  multiplicity  of  almost  synonymous  words.  It 
gives  little  scraps  of  events  located  at  distant  periods, 
presumably  in  the  life  of  Daniel.  Foreign  words, 
too,  notably  Greek  names  of  musical  instruments, 
and  Persian  names  of  officials  and  the  like,  are 
found,  especially  in  the  first  half  of  the  book.  There 
are  also  a  few  alleged  historical  statements,  such  as 
that  concerning  Darius  the  Mede  (cf.  Dan.  ix.  1), 
whose  verity  is  not  yet  established  by  the  inscriptions 
thus  far  discovered,  and  whose  explanations  are  as 
yet  impossible  without  assumptions.     The  fact  of 


DATE  OF   '<  DANIEL''  247 

the  erroneous  writing  of  Nebuchadnezzar  for  the 
only  correct  Nebuchadrezzar  is  no  more  strange  in 
Daniel  than  in  the  book  of  Jeremiah.  Many  other 
alleged  difficulties  are  largely  attributable  to  the 
adoption  by  some  scholars  in  the  case  of  the  book 
of  Daniel  of  the  forensic  method  in  carrying  a  point. 
But  after  all  has  been  said  on  both  sides  of  the 
question  of  the  date,  the  weight  of  probability  de- 
clares that  the  book  of  Daniel  was  compiled  some 
time  after  Daniel's  day,  but  within  the  date  of  the 
supremacy  of  the  Persian  empire. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

THE  CITY  OP  SUSA  AND  ESTHER 

233.  The  city  of  Susa  is  encircled  with  a  halo 
of  interest  for  every  Bible  student.  It  was  the  scene 
of  several  fascinating  incidents  mentioned  in  the  Old 
Testament.  The  city  is  mentioned  in  three  books: 
Daniel,  J^ehemiah,  and  Esther.  To  this  city  Daniel 
was  transported  in  a  vision.  "And  I  saw  in  the 
vision;  now  it  was  so,  that  when  I  saw,  I  was  in 
Shushan  the  palace,  which  was  in  the  province  of 
Elam;  and  I  saw  in  the  vision,  and  I  was  by  the 
river  Ulai'^  Dan.  viii.  2).  The  figures  that  Daniel 
saw  symbolized  the  successive  dynasties  that  should 
fight  and  rule  on  the  bank  of  the  Eulaeus  at  Susa. 
Nehemiah  was  a  member  of  the  court  of  Artaxerxes, 
king  of  Persia  (464-24  B.  C),  when  he  learned  of 
the  broken-down  condition  of  the  walls  of  Jerusa- 
lem, the  city  of  his  fathers.  The  opening  words  of 
his  book  read  as  follows:  "Now  it  came  to  pass  in 
the  month  Chislev,  in  the  twentieth  year,  as  I  was 
in  Shushan  the  palace"  (Neh.  i.  1).  From  this  place 
he  went  by  the  king's  permission  to  Jerusalem,  re- 
.built  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  again  returned  to  his 
former  position.     Later  he  made  a  second  visit  to 

248 


SUSA  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT       249 

the  Palestinian  colony  and  instituted  some  radical 
reforms  among  the  most  liberal  of  the  Jews. 

The  scene  of  the  book  of  Esther  is  laid  within  the 
walls  of  Susa,  and  most  of  it  within  the  limits  of 
Shushan  the  Palace. 

234.  These  facts  render  the  ranges  of  ruins  of  old 
Susa  of  double  interest  to  every  student  of  Bible 
history.  These  mounds  cover  the  buildings  in  which 
some  of  the  most  important  facts  of  Persian  history 
occurred.  Probably  there  is  no  city  where  the  very 
palaces  in  which  the  scenes  of  the  Old  Testament 
narrative  can  be  so  accurately  reconstructed.  This  fact 
is  due  to  the  energetic  excavations  conducted  in  this 
pile  of  ruins.  The  first  attempt  of  any  consequence 
was  that  of  "W.  K.  Loftus,  an  Englishman,  in  1852. 
He  found  the  bases  of  some  columns  "and  the  sub- 
structure of  an  edifice  built  in  the  form  of  a  large 
hypostyle  hall."  His  most  important  find  was  a 
group  of  trilingual  cuneiform  inscriptions  on  the 
bases  of  the  columns.  By  these  the  date  of  the  erec- 
tion of  the  building  was  determined.  It  was  orig- 
inally built  by  Darius  Hystaspes  (521-485  B.  C), 
partly  burnt  down  under  Artaxerxes  Longimanus 
(464-424  B.  C),  and  completely  restored  by  Ar- 
taxerxes  Mnemon  (406-359  B.  C).  Loftus  described 
his  discoveries  in  his  work,  ChaJdcea  and  Susiana. 

The  next  important  excavator  at  this  place  was 
M.  Dieulafoy,  a  French  engineer  and  architect,  dur- 
ing the  years  1884-86.     This  expedition  almost  en- 


250  ASSURBANIPAL  AND   SUSA 

tirely  uncovered  one  great  palace.  Its  treasures  in 
great  abundance  are  now  deposited  in  the  Louvre  in 
Paris.  This  work  has  been  elaborately  described  in 
his  elegant  volume,  UAcropole  de  Suse.  M.  J.  de 
Morgan  is  now  at  work,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
French  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  and  Fine  Arts, 
on  the  same  spot,  and  will  doubtless  secure  large  re- 
sults for  our  knowledge  of  Persian  supremacy  in  the 
East. 

235.  The  time  of  the  founding  of  Susa  is  un- 
known. "The  Greeks  believed  the  city  to  have  ex- 
isted in  the  time  of  the  Trojan  war."  The  cunei- 
form inscriptions,  however,  inform  us  that  it  had 
been  the  headquarters  of  the  Elamite  kingdom  long 
ages  before  the  reigns  of  the  later  kings  of  Assyria. 
Assurbanipal  states  that  he  restored  from  Susa  an 
image  of  the  goddess  Nana  which  the  king  of  Elam 
had  carried  away  from  Babylon  1635  years  before 
his  day.  This  would  make  Susa  a  city  of  some  im- 
portance among  the  Elamites  as  early  as  2280  B.  C. 
Without  following  it  down  through  the  centuries, 
let  us  see  how  Assurbanipal  treated  it  about  650 
B.  C.  Elam  had  been  a  continual  menace  to  the 
power  of  Assyria  until  Assurbanipal  completely 
crushed  her.  Out  of  his  long  record  of  the  Elamite 
campaign  a  few  lines  descriptive  of  his  plunder  of 
Susa  must  suffice  (Eassam  Cyl.  col.  v.  128 — vi.  76): 

••  I  plundered  Susa,  the  great  city,  the  dwelling  of  their 
gods,  the  place  of  their  oracle.    By  the  command  of  Asehur 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SUSA  251 

and  Ishtar,  I  entered  the  palaces,  with  rejoicing  I  took 
a  seat  there,  and  I  opened  their  treasures,  in  which  gold, 
silver,  substance,  wealth,  and  possessions  were  piled  up, 
which  the  former  kings  of  Elam,  and  the  recent  kings 
collected  and  stored  there;  on  which  no  other  enemy  be- 
sides me  had  laid  his  hand.  I  brought  it  out  and  counted 
it  as  booty.  Silver,  gold,  substance,  wealth,  and  possessions 
of  Sumer,  Accad,  and  Karduniash  (Babylonia),  which  the 
earlier  kings  of  Elam  had  plundered  in  seven  campaigns 

and  carried  away  to  Elam precious  stones, 

a  valuable  treasure,  befitting  royal  dignity,  which  former 
kings  of  Accad  and  Shamash-shum-ukin  had  sent  to  Elam 
to  effect  an  alliance;  garments  becoming  royal  dignity; 
weapons  of  war ;  all  kinds  of  instruments  suitable  for  his 
use;  furniture  that  had  been  used  in  their  palaces,  upon 
which  (the  kings)  had  sat  and  laid  down,  out  of  which  they 
had  eaten  and  drunk,  poured  out  libations,  and  anointed 

(officials);  chariots,  wagons  (and other)  vehicles ; 

horses  with  trappings  of  gold  and  silver,  —  (all  these)  I  car- 
ried away  as  booty  to  Assyria.  The  temple-tower  of  Susa, 
built  of  alabaster,  I  destroyed.  Shushinak,  the  god  of 
their  oracle,  who  dwells  in  a  concealed  place,  whose  godly 
pursuit  no  one  sees,  Shumudi,  Lagamaru,  Partikira  (and 
others)    .    .    .  whom  the  kings  of  Elam  reverenced,   .    .    . 

these  gods   and  goddesses  with  their 

treasures,  their  possessions,  their  furniture,  together  with 
their  priests  and  temple  servants,  I  carried  away  to  Assyria. 
Thirty -two  statues  of  kings,  of  silver,  gold,  bronze,  and 

stone I  took  with  me  to  Assyria.    I  turned  over 

the  bull  colossi,  and  all  the  colossi  that  guarded  the  temple 
entrance,  and  dragged  away  the  wild  oxen,  of  furious  mien, 
that  belonged  to  the  gates.  The  temple  of  Elam  I  laid 
in  total  ruins.  Its  gods  and  its  goddesses  I  ordered  (to  be 
cast)  into  the  rubbish  heaps.  Their  hidden  forest,  where 
no  stranger  had  ever  sojourned,  neither  trodden  its  bounds, 
my  soldiers  forcibly  entered,  saw  their  places  of  conceal- 
ment, and  burned  them  with  fire.  The  mausoleums  of 
their  kings,  the  earlier  and  the  recent,  who  had  not  feared 


252  susa's  great  palace 

Asshur  and  Ishtar,  my  lords,  but  had  rebelled  against  the 
kings,  my  fathers,  I  destroyed,  laid  waste,  and  spread  them 
in  the  face  of  the  sun.  Their  bones  I  took  with  me  to 
Assyria,  upon  their  spirits  I  enjoined  restlessness,  and  re- 
fused them  gifts  of  food  and  drink." 

This  is  a  dread  but  doubtless  true  picture  of  the 
frightful  vengeance  taken  upon  Susa  by  her  Assyrian 
conqueror  about  650  B.  C. 

236.  Within  one  hundred  years  of  this  date  Cyrus 
was  king  of  Elam,  with  Susiana  as  part  of  his  pos- 
sessions. But  Susa  did  not  come  into  prominence 
until  Cambyses  son  of  Cyrus  decided  to  build  at  this 
point  a  great  palace.  Tradition  says  that  he  im- 
ported architects  and  artisans  from  Egypt,  to  give 
Persia  the  beginnings  of  an  architecture.  His  early 
death  intervened,  and  the  work  was  left  to  Darius 
Hystaspes  (521-485  B.  C).  One  of  the  inscriptions 
of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon  (406-359  B.  C.)  found  by 
Loftus  at  Susa  gives  us  the  facts  in  the  case:  "My 
ancestor  Darius  built  this  Apaddna  in  former  times. 
In  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  my  grandfather,  it  was 
consumed  by  fire.  By  the  grace  of  Ahuramazda, 
Anaitis,  and  Mithras,  I  have  restored  this  Apaddna.'' 

237.  A  rapid  sketch  of  the  early  Persian  kings  is 
quite  necessary  to  appreciate  the  events  of  Esther's 
day.  Cyrus,  slain  in  battle  in  529  B.  C,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Cambyses.  This  ambitious  young 
man,  to  secure  his  crown,  murdered  his  brother  and 
sister.     After  eight  years  of  apparent  success,  in  a 


DARIUS   I   AND   XERXES  253 

fit  of  despair,  he  took  his  life.  For  eight  months 
a  usurper,  Gomates,  held  the  throne,  but  was  finally 
slain,  and  Darius  Hystaspes  (521-485  B.  C.)  seized 
the  crown.  It  was  under  the  early  years  of  his  ad- 
ministration that  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem  completed 
and  dedicated  their  temple  (516  B.  C).  During 
these  years  Darius  suppressed  revolts  and  uprisings 
in  all  parts  of  his  realm.  He  then  carried  his  con- 
quests as  far  as  Scythia  in  Europe  (508  B.  C).  He 
fully  equipped  two  great  expeditions  for  invading 
Greece,  but  both  failed,  the  second  at  the  famous 
battle  of  Marathon  (490  B.  C).  A  third  expedi- 
tion was  planned,  but  a  revolt  in  Egypt  (487  B.  C.) 
and  his  own  death  (485)  intervened.  He  was  buried 
in  an  elaborate  rock  tomb  near  Persepolis,  which 
was  adorned  with  sculptures  and  a  long  inscription. 
Besides  the  winter  palace  at  Susa,  he  built  an  im- 
mense royal  structure  at  Persepolis.  To  him  we  are 
indebted  for  the  Behistun  inscription  (36).  He  was 
the  greatest  king  that  ever  sat  on  Persia's  throne, 
both  as  regards  conquests  and  power  of  administra- 
tion. He  was  succeeded  by  Xerxes  I,  supposed  to  be 
a  remote  kin  of  Cyrus  the  conqueror  of  Babylon. 

238.  Xerxes'  first  great  work  was  the  subjugation 
of  Egypt  (485  B.  C).  After  chastizing  rebels  in 
Babylonia,  he  next  turned  his  attention  to  the  still 
unconquered  state  of  Greece.  He  called  together  his 
nobles  and  counsellors  from  all  parts  of  the  empire, 
as  a  kind  of  council  of  war.     The  conclusion  of  their 


254  AHASUERUS  IDENTIFIED 

deliberations  was  that  the  most  elaborate  prepara- 
tions be  made,  and  Greece  be  brought  to  their  feet. 
Careful  and  complete  provisions  were  made  covering 
a  space  of  four  years.  The  army  was  thoroughly  or- 
ganized, and  the  commissary  department  adequately 
equipped.  In  480  B.  C.  the  army  started  on  its  long 
campaign,  aided  by  a  large  and  well-equipped  fleet. 
It  crossed  the  Hellespont  on  a  bridge  of  double  boats 
and  pushed  through  Macedonia  down  to  Greece. 
Through  Thermopylae  it  poured  over  the  bodies  of  the 
brave  300  Spartans  until  Athens  was  captured  and 
burnt.  The  Persian  fleet,  disabled  by  storms,  was  finally 
destroyed  by  the  Greeks  at  the  battle  of  Salamis  (Sep- 
tember 23,  480).  The  land  force  retreated  to  Thes- 
saly,  where  a  picked  army  remained  over  winter. 
In  the  spring  it  resumed  active  offensive  operations 
and  recaptured  Attica.  The  Spartans  raised  a  large 
army,  crossed  the  isthmus,  and  forced  the  Persians 
to  retire  into  Boeotia.  On  September  25,  479  B.  C, 
the  Persian  host  was  completely  routed  at  Plat^a, 
and  returned  to  Asia,  never  again  to  invade  European 
Greece. 

239.  It  is  now  generally  recognized  that  the  events 
of  the  book  of  Esther  should  be  sketched  on  the  back- 
ground outlined  in  the  preceding  section.  The  Hebrew 
name  for  the  Persian  king  Ahasuerus  is  AcJiashverosh, 
the  Persian  is  ChshyarsJia,  and  the  Babylonian,  Chi- 
sJiiyarsha  (var.  Akhashiyarshi).  It  was  through  the 
Babylonian  form  of  the  name  that  the  identification  of 


A  ROYAL  BANQUET  IN  SUSA        255 

Ahasuerus  as  Xerxes  was  finally  fixed.  This  one 
point  determined,  we  are  prepared  to  examine  the 
general  features  of  the  document  in  the  light  of  mod- 
ern discoveries.  The  dramatic  character  of  the  book 
of  Esther  has  assigned  it,  in  some  minds,  to  the  realm 
of  fiction,  and  has  attributed  it  to  some  author  who 
lived  late  in  the  Greek  or  in  the  Maccabean  era. 
Little  more  can  be  done  than  to  ascertain  in  how 
far  the  manners,  customs,  and  laws  reflected  in  the 
book  are  distinctively  Persian  and  in  how  far  the 
author  gives  a  true  picture  of  the  social  and  political 
conditions  of  the  times  of  Xerxes. 

240.  The  opening  verses  of  the  book  describe  a 
one-hundred-and-eighty-day  feast  given  by  the  king 
in  the  third  year  (483  B.  C.)  of  his  reign.  His 
guests  were  princes  and  nobles  from  all  his  realm, 
"from  India  to  Ethiopia,^'  who  came  in  successive 
companies  for  a  period  of  six  months,  to  enjoy  the 
favors  of  the  king,  to  be  impressed  by  the  magnifi- 
cence of  his  court,  and  to  admire  the  majesty  of  his 
imperial  person.  The  real  purpose  of  these  ban- 
quets, however,  was  to  consider  and  decide  on  the 
feasibility  of  another  campaign  against  Greece.  The 
banqueting  passion  of  the  Persians  was  insatiate. 
Some  of  these  feasts  had  as  many  as  15,000  persons 
present,  and  cost  nearly  $100,000.  At  the  close  of 
this  series  of  banquets,  at  which  it  was  decided  to 
prepare  for  another  campaign  against  Greece,  a  ban- 
quet of  seven  days  was  given  the  citizens  of  Susa. 


256  THE  PROMOTION   OF  ESTHER 

Vashti  also  entertained  the  women  in  a  separate  feast 
of  like  magnificence.  Xerxes'  excess  at  wine  con- 
fused his  brain,  and  he  ordered  his  chamberlains 
to  bring  in  and  exhibit  before  his  intoxicated  com- 
panions the  beauty  of  Queen  Vashti.  Herodotus 
tells  us  that  Macedonian  ladies,  introduced  to  a  sim- 
ilar banquet  in  Darius'  day,  were  basely  insulted. 
Vashti  may  have  known  of  this  event,  and  so  refused. 
On  consulting  his  chief  counsellors,  Xerxes  decided 
to  suppress  such  insubordination,  and  deposed  her. 
This  left  a  vacancy  in  the  royal  household.  During 
the  next  four  years  he  was  busily  engrossed  in  pre- 
paring for  and  in  conducting  that  memorable  cam- 
paign against  Greece.  The  affairs  of  the  royal  house- 
hold were  in  the  care  of  under-officers,  and  the  neces- 
sary preparations  were  on  foot  to  secure  an  incum- 
bent for  the  place  of  Vashti,  whether  or  not  she  were 
the  chief  queen. 

241.  The  remaining  chief  events  of  the  book  of 
Esther  are  located  after  Xerxes'  disastrous  campaign 
against  Greece.  What  more  natural  than  that  the 
proud  monarch,  smarting  under  his  humiliating  de- 
feat at  the  hands  of  the  Greek  troops,  should  seek 
to  drown  himself  in  the  luxuries  of  his  palace? 
Esther's  introduction  to  him  took  place  (chap.  ii.  16) 
in  December,  479  B.  C.  She  immediately  wins  the 
favor  of  the  king,  and  is  made  queen  instead  of 
Vashti.  It  is  not  improbable  that  Amestris  during 
all  this  time,  as  stated  by  Herodotus,  was  the  only 


CASTING  THE  PUR  257 

legitimate  wife,  that  is,  the  only  one  derived  from 
one  of  the  seven  royal  houses  specifiec  in  Persian  law. 
That  Esther  was  decorated  with  a  royal  crown  is 
no  more  noteworthy  than  that  Mordecai,  a  kind  of 
prime  minister,  should  wear  such  a  mark  of  high 
honor  (chap.  viii.  15).  This  promotion  of  Esther 
was  celebrated  in  true  Persian  style  by  "a  great  feast 
to  all  his  princes  and  his  servants:  and  he  made  a 
release  to  the  provinces,  and  gave  gifts,  according 
to  the  bounty  of  the  king"  (chap.  ii.  18).  The  de- 
feat of  his  great  expedition,  doubtless,  militated 
against  the  power  and  majesty  of  the  king  in  the 
eyes  of  his  subjects.  But  a  wide  distribution  of 
favors  such  as  is  here  described  would  do  much  to 
restore  their  confidence  in  his  beneficent  character. 

242.  The  first  incident  in  this  dramatic  story  that 
is  especially  illuminated  by  the  discoveries  at  Susa 
is  Haman's  method  of  fixing  a  date  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Jews.  Strange  to  tell,  M.  Dieulafoy 
found  in  the  mound  at  Susa  one  of  the  dice  that 
were  used  in  Persia  to  determine  events.  It  is  a 
quadrangular  prism,  on  the  quadrangular  faces  of 
which  are  engraved :  one,  two,  five,  six.  Throw  this 
die  and  it  will  stop  on  an  odd  or  an  even  number. 
A  vigorous  objection  has  been  made  to  the  possibil- 
ity of  the  reality  of  Haman's  decree,  because  of  the 
long  interval  of  time  which  was  allowed  the  Jews 
before  the  arrival  of  the  day  of  their  execution. 
On  the  other  hand,  this  is  rather  in  favor  of  the  genu- 


258  THE  ACROPOLIS  OF  SUSA 

ineness  of  the  story.  A  careful  test  shows  that 
one  may  throw  this  die  even  scores  of  times  before 
it  will  stop  on  the  desired  number.  Haman's  fixing 
of  the  date  was  left  entirely  to  the  die.  The  word 
for  die  at  Susa  in  that  time  was  Pur;  whether  or  not 
it  was  Persian  is  of  no  consequence.  The  text  (chap, 
iii.  7)  says :  "They  cast  Pur,  that  is,  the  lot" — an  ex- 
planation added  for  the  Jews,  to  tell  them  that  it 
answered  the  same  purpose  in  Susa  as  "the  lot'^  did 
among  the  Jews.  The  long  projection  into  the 
future  of  the  massacre  of  the  Jews  was  not  Haman's 
personal  wish,  but  was  the  fate  fixed  for  them  by 
the  Pur,  "the  lot.'' 

243.  There  is  no  event  described  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment whose  structural  surroundings  can  be  so  viv- 
idly and  accurately  restored  from  actual  excavations 
as  "Shushan  the  Palace."  The  discoveries  of  Dieu- 
lafoy  have  contributed  most  largely  to  this  result. 
The  Memnonium,  or  palace  of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon 
(236)  was  the  restored  palace  of  Xerxes.  'It  was 
composed  of  three  groups  of  distinct  apartments, 
each  surrounded  by  a  special  enclosure,  but  comprised 
in  the  same  fortress.  The  Apaddna  or  throne-hall, 
resembled,  by  its  appointments  and  its  hypostyle 
architecture,  a  Greek  temple.  The  king  occupied 
in  the  tabernacle  the  place  of  the  divine  statue.  The 
hall  at  Susa  covered  more  than  twenty  acres.  The 
porticos,  the  stairways,  the  enclosures,  were  devel- 
oped upon  an  area  more  than  eighteen  times  larger. 


><;  -^ 

W  a) 

<(,  tii  ^ 

O  w  S 

<1  §  I 

a;  ^  ^ 

a  §  t^ 

-<  M  9 

^  H  a; 

a  (^  o 

H  °  ^ 

c  %> 

"^^  ^ 

o  =- 


>m. 


''SHUSHAN  THE   PALACE''    IN  PARIS  259 

and  divided  by  a  pylon.  On  this  side  of  the  pylon, 
a  giant  stairway  that  leads  from  the  parade-ground 
up  to  the  level  of  a  vast  esplanade ;  on  the  other  side, 
glittering  with  its  enameled  crown,  losing  itself  in 
the  green  branches  of  a  hanging  garden,  was  the 
Apaddna.'  ^Quite  separated  from  the  Apaddna, 
grouping  themselves  about  an  interior  court,  were 
the  special  apartments  of  the  sovereign :  the  audience 
hall,  the  rest  chamber,  rooms  similar  to  a  chancery, 
and  to  an  armory,  for  the  guards,  and  for  the  king's 
subsidiaries.  Like  the  Apaddna,  it  is  reached  by 
stairs  of  gigantic  proportions,  which  connect  the  for- 
tified gate  of  his  especial  apartments  with  the  armory. 
The  private  dwelling  of  the  king,  recognized  by  its 
arrangement  and  isolation,  and  by  the  formidable 
turret  which  protected  it,  occupied  the  southeast 
angle  of  the  acropolis.^ 

244.  The  antiquities  brought  from  Susa  to  Paris 
have  been  deposited  in  two  large  rooms  of  the  Louvre. 
On  the  basis  of  these  finds,  M.  Dieulafoy  has  not  only 
set  up  various  parts  of  the  palace,  such  as  the  bases 
and  capitals  of  the  columns  in  their  natural  size, 
but  has  made  a  model,  on  the  basis  of  the  best  in- 
formation, of  the  great  palace  of  Artaxerxes.  The 
throne-room  was  made  by  thirty-six  fluted  columns, 
sixty-seven  feet  in  height,  supporting  a  flat  cedar- 
wood  roof  brought  from  Phoenicia.  These  columns 
were  arranged  in  the  form  of  a  square,  the  two  sides 
and  back  of  the  room  consisting  of  a  solid  wall. 


260  THE  APADANA 

through  which  four  small  doorways  pierced.  Either 
comer  is  guarded  by  a  great  pylon,  "composed  of 
two  high  walls,  crowned  with  battlements,  and  stand- 
ing at  right  angles  to  one  another.  These  pylons 
form  wings  at  each  side  of  the  entrance  to  the  central 
hall,  and  at  each  end  of  the  two  colonnades  at  the 
sides.''  They  were  built  of  brick,  and  were  dec- 
orated on  the  outside  with  narrow  perpendicular 
recesses  and  projections,  and  with  friezes  of  enam- 
eled bricks.  These  friezes  are  lions,  warriors,  or  the 
royal  body-guard,  and  the  like,  characteristically 
Persian.  In  fact,  the  whole  structure  as  restored  in 
the  model  shows  us  just  the  environment  in  which 
Esther  and  the  other  actors  in  that  drama  moved 
about.  With  this  picture  before  us  we  can  now 
locate  "the  king's  gate,"  where  Mordecai  worried  the 
soul  of  Haman,  "the  inner  court  of  the  king's  house 
over  against  the  king's  house"  (chap.  v.  1),  where 
Esther  appeared  unbidden  before  the  king;  "the 
outward  court  of  the  king's  house"  (chap.  vi.  4), 
where  Haman  appeared  to  request  permission  to  hang 
Mordecai;  "the  palace  garden"  (chap.  vii.  7),  to 
which  the  king  retired  to  cool  his  anger  against 
Haman — in  fact,  almost  all  the  features  of  "Shushan 
the  Palace,"  in  which  those  tragic  events  took  place. 
245.  In  view  of  the  extensive  revelations  made  in 
the  mounds  of  Susa,  we  can  assert,  at  least,  that  the 
book  of  Esther  is  true  to  what  is  known  of  Persian 
institutions  and  customs  in  the  times  of  Xerxes ;  that 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER  261 

the  so-called  improbabilities  of  the  book  now  reduce 
themselves  to  a  minimum.  That  Greek  and  biblical 
sources  are  not  in  harmony  is  not  surprising,  since 
both  of  them  are  fragmentary,  and  cannot  be  ex- 
pected to  give  us  a  complete  picture.  The  seeming 
arbitrariness  or  weakness  of  Xerxes  in  granting  the 
conditions  which  produced  a  civil  war  in  his  realm  is 
in  perfect  accord  with  an  absolute  monarch  whose 
merest  caprice  might  become  law. 

After  everything  is  said,  the  most  probable  con- 
clusion is  that  the  book  was  written  in  the  Persian 
period,  not  far  from  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon 
(406-359  B.  C),  by  a  Susian  Jew,  who  was  perfectly 
familiar  with  the  palace,  and  with  Persian  history, 
and  with  Persian  institutions  and  customs.  His 
purpose  was  to  preserve  for  his  people  the  origin  and 
significance  of  the  feast  of  Purim. 


CHAPTEK  XXII 

THE  HITTITES 

246.  Among  the  great  nations  that  came  into  con- 
tact with  Israel,  there  is  none  more  enveloped  by 
clouds  of  mystery  than  the  Hittites.  While  it  is  true 
that  we  possess  notable  specimens  of  art  and  a  goodly 
number  of  beautiful  Hittite  inscriptions,  we  are  still 
unable  to  translate  more  than  a  few  characters,  and 
these  mainly  in  proper  names.  Our  knowledge  of 
that  race  consequently  must  be  gathered  from  other 
than  Hittite  sources.  Hebrew,  Egyptian,  Assyrian, 
and  Armenian  documents  contribute  something  of 
value  to  our  knowledge  of  their  history.  Egyptian 
art  also  preserves  some  marvellous  portraits  of  these 
powerful  people.  The  mountain  passes  of  Asia 
Minor  are  still  flanked  by  curious  rock-sculptures, 
representing  scenes  in  the  life  of  these  early  moun- 
taineers. 

247.  "The  land  of  the  Hittites''  (Josh.  i.  4)  is 
specified  as  within  the  borders  promised  the  invading 
Israelites,  located,  however,  in  the  extreme  north. 
This  territory  was  a  battle-ground  for  long  ages  for 
the  armies  of  Egypt,  of  Syria,  of  Israel,  of  Assyria, 
and  of  Babylon.       From  this  locality  the  Hittites 

262 


HITTITES  IN  THE  AMARNA  TABLETS  263 

migrated  to  found  the  little  colony  in  Palestine, 
which  came  in  such  close  contact  with  the  patriarchs 
(cf.  54).  It  was  with  this  northern  territory  that 
Solomon  carried  on  extensive  commercial  relations. 
In  fact,  throughout  the  centuries  between  1300  and 
750  B.  C,  the  Hittites  were  an  element  among  the 
nations  of  western  Asia  which  had  to  be  taken  into 
account  (cf.  53-54). 

248.  The  earliest  mention  of  the  Hittites  is  found 
in  the  records  of  the  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty 
of  Egypt.  The  record  of  the  famous  campaign  of 
Thothmes  III,  in  which  he  penetrated  as  far  as  the 
banks  of  the  Euphrates,  notes  the  fact  that  he  re- 
ceived the  tribute  of  ^the  land  of  the  Hittites.'  The 
Tel  el-Amarna  letters,  dating  from  the  times  of 
Amenophis  III  and  IV  of  this  same  dynasty  contain 
more  than  thirty  references  to  these  people. 
Although  in  part  subjects  of  Egypt,  they  were  ag- 
gressively hostile  toward  her.  These  letters  reveal 
the  anxiety  and  the  energy  of  Egypt's  faithful  north- 
ern or  Syrian  dependents.  A  few  extracts  will  suf- 
fice to  show  how  these  frontiersmen  were  disturbing 
and  threatening  the  peace  of  the  land.  In  a  letter 
of  Aziru,  a  Phoenician  governor,  to  Dudu,  an  inter- 
cessor in  the  Egyptian  court,  we  find  (Berlin  Coll. 
No.  38,  21-24) :  "But  my  lord,  the  king  of  the  Hit- 
tites has  marched  into  Nukhasse,  and  the  cities  are 
not  strong  enough  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the  king 
of  the  Hittites."    And  (Berl.  Coll.  31,  21-24):    "The 


264  HITTITES  IN  THE  XIXTH  DYNASTY 

king  of  the  Hittites  is  staying  in  Nukhasse,  and  I  fear 
him ;  I  am  watching  lest  he  go  to  Martu."  Also  (Berl. 
Coll.  33,  38-41):  ''And  now  he  is  staying  in  Nu- 
khasse;  there  are  two  roads  to  Tunip,  and  I  fear  its 
fall,  that  Tunip  will  not  be  able  to  resist  (him)/'  In 
this  same  letter  he  begs  for  troops  that  he  may  de- 
fend the  king's  possessions  against  the  inroads  of 
these  hostile  aggressors.  Again,  we  find  a  native 
garrison  defending  the  king's  possessions  (Berl.  Coll. 
160,  8-26) :  "Behold,  we  were  encamped  against  the 
cities  in  the  land  of  the  Amki  for  my  lord,  the  king, 
when  Idagama,  the  prince  of  Kinza,  marched  upon 

us,  at  the  head  of  the  Hittite  soldiers let 

my  lord,  the  king,  grant  troops,  that  we  may  possess 
the  cities  of  my  lord,  the  king,  and  that  we  may  live 
in  the  cities  of  my  lord,  the  king,  my  god,  and  my 
sun."  These  quotations  suffice  to  prove  the  presence 
of  the  Hittites  in  the  region  of  the  north  Syrian  prov- 
inces of  Egypt,  and  that  they  were  a  perpetual  men- 
ace to  the  peace  and  security  of  these  districts. 

249.  The  decline  and  fall  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty 
of  Egypt,  gave  the  Hittites  their  opportunity,  and 
they  occupied  as  their  chief  fortress,  Kadesh  on  the 
Orontes  and  Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates  rivers. 
These  were  great  commercial  centres,  as  well  as 
strong  military  fortresses.  From  these  as  bases  the 
Hittites  crowded  still  farther  south,  into  central 
Syria.  The  kings  of  the  XlXth  dynasty  very  early 
turned  their  attention  toward  Asia.      The  Hittites, 


HITTITES 


A  KING  OF  THE  HITTITES 


HITTITES  IN  ASSYRIAN  RECORDS  265 

now  in  possession  of  first-rate  strongholds,  and  of  con- 
siderable military  experience,  were  a  formidable  foe. 
But  Seti  I  and  after  him,  his  son,  Eameses  II,  kept 
up  a  vigorous  succession  of  campaigns,  until  in  the 
fifth  year  of  the  latter,  when  what  seems  to  have  been 
a  drawn  battle  was  fought  within  easy  reach  of  Ka- 
desh.  The  conclusion  of  these  struggles  was  that 
remarkable  offensive  and  defensive  treaty,  formally 
signed  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  Rameses  II.  Among 
many  other  provisions  of  this  document,  we  find: 
"He  [Rameses]  shall  be  my  ally,  he  shall  be  my 
friend:  I  will  be  his  ally;  I  will  be  his  friend:  for- 
ever." This  document  was  attested  by  the  gods  of 
Egypt  and  the  Hittites;  and  the  Hittite  copy  was 
engraved  on  a  silver  plate  and  presented  to  the  king 
of  Egypt.  This  left  the  Hittites  in  possession  of  the 
two  great  fastnesses,  Kadesh  and  Carchemish. 

250.  There  are  incidental  references  to  the  Hit- 
tites in  the  inscriptions  of  some  of  the  kings  of  As- 
syria preceding  Shalmaneser  II.  But  in  the  records 
of  this  king,  who  defeated  Ahab,  and  received  the 
tribute  of  Jehu,  we  find,  in  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign, 
that  he  received 

"  the  tribute  of  the  kings  on  the  farther  side  of  the  Euphra- 
tes, Sangarof  Carchemish,  Kundashpi  of  Kumukh,  Arame, 
son  of  Gusi,  Lalh  of  Milid,  Chayani,  son  of  Gabari,  Kalpar- 
uda  of  Chattin  Kalparuda  of  Gurgum,  silver,  gold,  lead, 
copper,  vessels  of  copper,  at  Asshur-utir-atsbat  on  that  side 
of  the  Euphrates,  above  Shagur,  which  the  Hittites  call 
Pitru  (Pethor)." 


266  WANING   OF   THE   HITTITES 

These  were  presumably  Hittite  governors  who  ren- 
dered ready  submission  to  the  powerful  Assyrian 
forces.  On  the  obelisk  (Face  D,  top,  1.  59-64)  Shal- 
maneser  says  of  the  confederacy  that  met  him  at  Kar- 
kar: 

"Then  Hadadezer,  king  of  the  country  of  Emeriehu 
(Damascus),  Irkhulina  of  the  country  of  the  Hamathites, 
together  with  the  kings  of  the  country  of  the  Hittites  and 

of  the  coast  of  the  sea.     . I  fought  with 

them,  I  defeated  them." 

It  is  apparent,  then,  that  a  part  of  the  Hittite 
princes  were  divided  in  their  attitude  toward  Assyria. 
But  the  open  opponents  of  Assyria's  aggressions  were 
brought  to  their  knees  in  the  battle  of  Karkar.  In. 
fact,  the  army  of  Assyria  was  so  overwhelmingly 
superior,  that  the  Hittites  could  offer  no  successful 
resistance.  Tiglath-pileser  III  (745-27  B.  C.)  col- 
lected tribute  from  the  Hittites  as  soon  as  he  had 
established  his  authority  in  this  territory  of  northern 
Syria.  One  of  the  places  often  mentioned  in  the  As- 
syrian inscriptions  from  860  B.  C.  downward  was 
Sam'al.  Curiously  enough,  the  German  excavators 
at  Senjirli  in  1888-91  found  an  old  Aramaic  inscrip- 
tion of  Panammu  of  Sam'al.  Tiglath-pileser  III  twice 
mentions  Panammu  of  Sam'al  as  his  tributary;  once 
he  is  found  among  such  names  as  "Rezin  of  Damascus, 
Menahem  of  Samaria,  Hiram  of  Tyre,  Pisiris  of 
Carchemish,  and  Eniel  of  Hamath."  This  list  com- 
prises tributary  princes  and  kings  from  Samaria  to 


HITTITE  ANTIQUITIES  267 

the  Taurus  mountains.  There  is  some  inferential  evi- 
dence that  the  Aramaeans  were  gradually  conquering 
and  absorbing  the  territory  formerly  occupied  by  the 
Hittites.  This  new  inscription,  for  example,  has  its 
characters,  in  contradistinction  to  the  Babylonian,  As- 
syrian, and  Phoenician,  cut  in  relief  like  the  Hittites,  a 
mark  apparently  of  Hittite  influence  on  their  invaders. 
But  this  old  people  were  on  the  decline.  They  grad- 
ually waned  until  717  B.  C,  when  Sargon  crushed 
their  capital,  Carchemish.  This  was  their  final  strug- 
gle, and  their  names  thereafter  practically  disappear 
from  the  pages  of  history. 

251.  Whence  came  the  Hittites?  The  verdict  of  the 
Egyptian  inscriptions,  of  the  Tel  el- Amarna  cuneiform 
tablets,  of  the  records  of  the  Assyrian  kings,  is  that 
they  came  down  from  the  north,  from  the  Taurus 
mountains,  and  probably  from  Cappadocia.  The  places 
of  the  discovery  of  their  inscriptions  and  sculptures 
would  indicate  that  their  power  in  Asia  Minor  ex- 
tended as  far  west  as  Lydia,  and  on  the  south  to 
Hamath.  Their  inscriptions  are  not  all  alike.  Some 
are  not  far  removed  from  the  original  pictures,  while 
others  bear  slight  resemblances  to  any  known  objects. 
This  would  not  be  strange,  as  the  Hittites  were  a  dis- 
tinct nation  for  nearly  one  thousand  years, — quite 
long  enough  for  the  development  of  more  than  one 
style  of  writing.  Until  their  own  records  are  trans- 
latable, we  shall  be  obliged  to  be  satisfied  with  such 
information  as  their  neighbors  have  preserved  for  us. 


CHAPTER   XXIII 

THE  ARAM^ANS 

252.  "Aramaeans''  is  a  term  comprehensive  of  the 
peoples  of  northwestern  Mesopotamia,  and  of  north- 
ern and  central  Syria,  as  far  south  as  the  northern 
limits  of  Palestine  proper.  Our  sources  of  informa- 
tion regarding  these  races  and  localities  are  widely 
scattered.  They  are  found  in  the  Egyptian  records 
of  Thothmes  III,  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  of 
the  fifteenth  century  B.  C,  in  the  annals  of  the  early 
Babylonian  kings  who  overran  this  West-land,  and 
in  the  royal  records  of  the  Assyrian  monarchs  of  the 
later  centuries  of  the  Assjrrian  empire.  We  are  also 
so  fortunate  as  to  possess  a  few  of  the  original  docu- 
ments of  these  peoples,  dating  especially  from  the 
eighth  and  seventh  centuries  B.  C.  To  this  knowl- 
edge may  be  added  some  excellent  portraits  of  these 
races,  due  to  the  skill  of  Egyptian  artists,  and  found 
in  their  decorated  tomb-chambers. 

253.  The  Aramaeans,  or  '^Syrians,'  occupy  a 
prominent  place  in  the  Old  Testament.  ^Aram' 
(Gen.  X.  22,  23)  was  a  son  of  Shem,  as  were  Elam, 
Asshur,  Arpachshad,  and  Lud.  He  was  father  of 
Uz,  Hul,  Gether,  and  Mash — the  last  occurring  in 

268 


ARAM  OP  MESOPOTAMIA  269 

the  inscriptions  of  Assurbanipal  as  'Mas/  the  name 
of  a  people  occupying  the  desert  east  of  Palestine. 
Aram  is  also  given  (Gen.  xxii.  21-23)  as  the  grand- 
son of  Nahor,  brother  of  Abraham.  These  genea- 
logical lists  would  locate  Aram  in  proximity  to  his 
brethren.  They  further  indicate  that  we  are  to  look 
for  the  descendants  of  Nahor  in  the  region  of  Har- 
ran,  the  northwestern  halting-place  of  Terah's  car- 
avan or  colony  (Gen.  xi.  31),  which  had  migrated  from 
Ur  of  the  Chaldees.  To  this  same  territory  came 
Abraham's  servant  to  seek  a  wife  for  his  son  Isaac 
(Gen.  xxiv.  4,  10,  15;  xxv.  20).  This  country  of 
Nahor  appears  under  the  name  of  Paddan-Aram  in 
several  passages  (xxv.  20;  xxxi.  18;  xxxv.  9,  26;  xlvi. 
15).  It  was  the  land  to  which  Isaac  sent  Jacob  when 
he  fled  from  the  wrath  of  Esau  (xxviii.  5-7),  that 
there  he  might  be  associated  with  his  mother's  kin, 
and  be  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  wickedness  of  the 
Canaanites.  From  Aram-naharaim  ("Aram  of  the  two 
rivers"),  the  country  lying  between  the  Tigris  and 
the  Euphrates  rivers,  came  Cushan-rishathaim  to  op- 
press Israel  for  eight  years  (Judg.  iii.  8-10),  just  after 
their  settlement  in  the  land  of  Canaan.  It  was  from 
Aram  that  Balak  called  Balaam  the  magician  to  curse 
for  him  the  camp  of  the  invading  Israelites  (Num. 
xxiii.  7).  When  Hadadezer  of  Zobah  fought  with  the 
armies  of  Israel,  he  summoned  to  his  aid  the  Ara- 
maeans "beyond  the  Eiver"  (2  Sam.  x.  16).  This  bib- 
lical division  of  Aram  embraced,  then,  northern  and 


270  ARAM-NAHARAIM  IN  INSCRIPTIONS 

northwestern  Mesopotamia,  in  the  midst  of  which  was 
located  that  great  commercial  and  religious  centre, 
Harran. 

254.  Aram  of  Mesopotamia  is  well-known  in  the 
inscriptions.  The  kingdom  of  the  Mitanni  on  the 
east  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  was  taken  by  Thoth- 
mes  III  while  on  his  famous  Asiatic  campaign.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  the  royal  house- 
holds of  this  kingdom  furnished  the  princess  Teie 
as  a  wife  for  Amenophis  III  of  Egypt,  and  his  son, 
Amenophis  IV,  now  half- Asiatic,  also  married  a  Mi- 
tannian  or  Mesopotamian  princess.  This  action  of 
the  Egyptian  royalty  finally  resulted  in  the  overthrow 
of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty  (cf.  89).  These  same  Mitan- 
nians  also  took  part  in  a  campaign  that  attacked 
Egypt  in  the  time  of  Kameses  III. 

The  Assyrian  inscriptions  of  Tiglath-pileser  I  (1120 
B.  C),  of  Assurnatsirpal  III,  represent  the  ^Arumu,' 
the  'Arimu'  as  peoples  who  occupied  territory  either 
on  the  east  or  west  bank  of  the  Euphrates  river. 
Among  their  conquests  they  name  as  Arumu  peoples 
dwelling  in  southern  Armenia  and  in  Babylonia. 
Their  use  of  the  term  was  probably  very  general,  and 
slight  weight  should  be  attached  to  their  classifica- 
tions. It  is  at  least  apparent  that  the  Aramaeans  in 
and  about  Harran  were  closely  related  to  those  set- 
tled between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Orontes  rivers. 

255.  These  Aramaeans  of  northern  Syria,  doubtless 
the  same  peoples,  in  the  main,  as  those  east  of  the 


NORTH  SYRIA  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT    271 

river,  are  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament  under  sev- 
eral names.  Though  racially  one  with  the  occupants 
of  central  Syria  centered  at  Damascus,  they  still  pos- 
sessed characteristics.  There  were  several  prosperous 
Aramaean  cities  in  this  northern  territory.  Saul  seems 
to  have  fought  with  the  kings  of  Zobah  (1  Sam.  xiv. 
47),  one  of  whom  in  David's  time  was  Hadadezer, 
son  of  Eehob  (2  Sam.  viii.  3-12),  who  was  smitten 
by  Israel  as  he  attempted  to  recover  his  borders  in  the 
north.  Hadadezer  summoned  all  of  his  allies  from 
beyond  (east  of)  the  Euphrates,  and  from  Damascus 
in  the  south,  to  meet  the  armies  of  David,  but  only 
to  meet  a  disastrous  defeat  that  gave  Israel  suprem- 
acy as  far  as  the  Euphrates.  The  subjugation  of 
Hadadezer  gave  David  the  ready  submission  and 
thanks  of  Toi  of  Hamath,  for  Hadadezer  had  been 
his  enemy.  David's  victories  put  into  his  hands  all 
the  great  cities  in  northern  Syria,  Betah  (Tibhath  in  1 
Chron.  xviii.  10),  Berothai,  Hamath,  and  Helam  (pos- 
sibly Assyr.  Chalman).  From  these  he  took  as  booty 
immense  quantities  of  valuable  metals.  At  a  sub- 
sequent time,  the  people  of  Beth-rehob,  and  the  Ara- 
maeans of  Zobah  joined  the  Ammonites  to  resist  the 
aggressions  of  David's  army  (2  Sam.  x.  6-18),  but  to 
no  purpose.  Another  combination  meets  the  same 
fate,  and  David  is  undisputed  ruler  of  Syria.  Under 
Solomon  this  territory  fell  into  the  hands  of  Eezon, 
an  earlier  vassal  of  the  king  of  Zobah  (1  Kings  xi. 
23-25).     Eezon   soon   acquired   supremacy   over  all 


272  NORTH  SYRIA  IN  THE  INSCRIPTIONS 

Syria  west  of  the  Euphrates,  with  Damascus  as  his 
capital. 

256.  This  same  northern  territory  of  Syria  is  fa- 
miliar country  on  the  monuments.  In  the  quotations 
from  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  (248)  it  was  called 
Nukhasse.  Its  proximity  to  the  Hittites  continually 
tempted  them  to  raid  it  and  seize  it.  Every  great 
Assyrian  campaign,  from  Shalmaneser  down  to  Assur- 
banipal,  that  crossed  the  Euphrates,  foraged  upon  its 
fertile  fields,  and  stormed  and  captured  its  cities. 
The  confederacy  met  by  Shalmaneser  II  at  Karkar 
was  largely  made  up  of  Aramaeans,  most  of  them  from 
this  northern  territory.  One  of  the  points  of  interest 
in  this  section  of  Syria  was  Sam'al,  a  city  or  country 
twice  mentioned  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.  Its  king, 
Panammu  II,  allied  himself  with  the  Assyrian  king, 
and  was  rewarded  therefor  by  a  gift  of  some  towns 
near  Gurgum.  He  afterward  died  in  the  Assyrian 
camp  before  Damascus  (in  733  B.  C).  His  inscrip- 
tion (250),  with  its  characters  cut  in  relief  as  those  of 
the  Hittites,  was  erected  by  himself  to  the  sacred 
memory  of  his  father. 

The  language  of  these  peoples,  as  those  east  of  the 
Euphrates,  was  Aramaic,  a  Semitic  tongue  closely 
connected  with  the  Hebrew. 

257.  But  the  Aramaeans  of  which  we  hear  most  in 
the  Old  Testament,  were  those  who  occupied  central 
Syria,  with  Damascus  as  the  capital  city.  From  'the 
successful  rebellion  of  Rezon  against  the  supremacy 


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SYRIA  UNDER  BEN-HADAD  II  273 

of  Solomon  (1  Kings  xi.  23-25)  down  to  the  over- 
throw of  Damascus  by  Tiglath-pileser  III  (in  732 
B.  C),  Syria  was  almost  a  continuel  menace  to  the 
peace  of  Israel.  With  her  capital,  Damascus,  located 
on  the  commercial  highway  between  the  East  and  the 
West,  she  had  practically  independent  financial  re- 
sources. Our  first  reference  to  her  after  the  division 
of  the  kingdom,  is  found  in  the  account  of  Asa's 
career  (1  Kings  xv.  16  ff.).  Ben-hadad  of  Damascus 
and  Baasha  of  Israel  had  formed  a  league.  Baasha's 
aggressive  action  against  Judah  led  Asa  to  plunder 
the  temple,  and  with  the  treasures  to  bribe  Ben-hadad 
to  break  off  his  allegiance  to  Israel's  king.  The  game 
was  successful,  and  Syria  raided  the  northern  por- 
tions of  Israel's  possessions. 

In  the  reign  of  Ahab  "Ben-hadad,  king  of  Syria, 

gathered  all  his  host  together and  he 

went  up  and  besieged  Samaria  and  fought  against  it" 
(1  Kings  XX.  1  ff.).  The  outcome  of  this  siege  was 
the  defeat  and  flight  of  the  Syrians  (vs.  20).  In  the 
next  year  the  war  was  renewed,  and  the  battle  was 
fought  at  Aphek,  where  the  God  of  the  Hebrews 
proved  himself  to  be  a  God  of  the  valleys  as  well 
as  of  the  mountains.  Syria  was  defeated,  and  a  mar- 
vellous treaty  was  signed,  indicative  of  the  political 
situation  in  the  far  north  (130).  Doubtless  the  in- 
vasion of  Shalmaneser  II  made  mutual  friends  of 
these  former  enemies  during  the  years  of  threatened 
invasion.     Ahab,  however,  lost  his  life  in  a  battle 


274  SYRIA  UNDER  HAZAEL 

with  Syria  at  Eamoth-gilead.  Syria  began  to  pursue 
her  old  methods  of  raiding  Israel  (2  Kings  v.  2). 
And  the  raiding  grew  into  systematic  invasion. 
Elisha  the  prophet  forewarned  the  king  of  Israel,  and 
the  Syrians  were  thwarted  more  than  once  in  their 
intended  attacks  (2  Kings  vi.  8-10).  Ben-hadad,  how- 
ever, made  one  desperate  strike  at  Samaria.  The  city 
was  almost  starved  to  capitulation,  when  the  besieg- 
ing Syrians  heard  "a  noise  of  a  great  host :  and  they 
said  to  one  another,  Lo,  the  king  of  Israel  hath  hired 
against  us  the  kings  of  the  Hittites,  and  the  kings  of 
the  Egyptians,  to  come  upon  us"  (2  Kings  vii.  6). 
This  produced  a  pell-mell  flight,  in  which  all  their 
camps  and  valuables  were  left  behind  them. 

258.  Subsequently,  upon  a  visit  of  Elisha  to 
Damascus,  Ben-hadad  was  smothered  by  a  damp  cloth 
by  Hazael,  who  succeeded  him  as  king.  This  was  the 
advent  of  troublous  times  for  Israel.  Hazael  inaugu- 
rated offensive  warfare  of  a  vigorous  and  cruel  type. 
Eamoth-gilead,  east  of  Jordan,  was  the  place  of 
Ahab's  final  stand  and  fall;  and  now  Joram,  son  of 
Ahab,  with  Ahaziah,  his  nephew,  meets  the  same 
army  under  Ben-hadad's  successor,  Hazael.  The  re- 
sult seems  to  have  been  in  favor  of  Israel  (2  Kings  ix. 
14),  though  Joram  was  severely  wounded.  After  the 
accession  of  Jehu  we  find  (2  Kings  x.  32,  33):  "In 
those  days  Jehovah  began  to  cut  Israel  short:  and 
Hazael  smote  them  in  all  the  coasts  of  Israel;  from 
Jordan  eastward,  all  the  land  of  Gilead,  the  Gadites, 


hazael's  supremacy  275 

and  the  Reubenites,  and  the  Manassites,  from  Aroer 
which  is  by  the  valley  of  Arnon,  even  Gilead  and 
Bashan."  The  invasions  of  Shalmaneser  in  842  and 
839,  were  carried  on  with  great  vigor  against  the  king 
of  Damascus.  Hazael  was  caged  up  within  the  walls 
of  his  city,  his  country  was  ravaged,  his  dependent 
provinces  plundered  and  destroyed,  but  his  royal  city 
was  not  taken  (cf.  136).  The  withdrawal  of  Assyria's 
troops  was  simply  a  signal  of  warning  to  the  peoples 
near  him.  Gath  fell  before  his  arms,  and  Jerusalem 
was  saved  only  by  the  valuable  treasures  turned  into 
his  hands,  by  Joash,  king  of  Judah.  "And  the  anger 
of  Jehovah  was  kindled  against  Israel  (under  Jehoa- 
haz),  and  he  delivered  them  into  the  hand  of  Hazael, 
king  of  Syria,  and  into  the  hand  of  Ben-hadad,  the 
son  of  Hazael,  continually"  (2  Kings  xiii.  3).  "For 
he  left  not  to  Jehoahaz  of  the  people,  save  fifty  horse- 
men, and  ten  chariots,  and  ten  thousand  footmen; 
for  the  king  of  Syria  destroyed  them,  and  made  them 
like  the  dust  in  threshing"  (vs.  7).  "And  Hazael, 
king  of  Syria,  oppressed  Israel  all  the  days  of  Jehoa- 
haz" (vs.  22).  These  brief  quotations  from  Kings 
and  from  Shalmaneser's  inscriptions  mark  Hazael  as 
a  king  of  exceptional  ability.  Under  his  administra- 
tion Syria  and  Damascus  were  of  first  importance  in 
the  West-land.  No  power  crushed  him,  though  he 
defied  every  people  within  reach.  He  was  practically 
master  of  all  central  and  southern  Syria,  including 
Palestine. 


276  SYRIA  SMITTEN  AND  WANING 

259.  The  successor  of  Hazael  was  his  son,  Ben- 
hadad  (III).  In  806,  Eamman-nirari  (810-781  B.  C.) 
made  an  expedition  into  this  West-land.  He  swept 
the  land  of  Syria,  Palestine,  and  Phoenicia.  The  most 
important  of  all  his  conquests  was  the  city  of  Damas- 
cus, of  which  special  note  is  made  in  the  summary 
of  his  expeditions.  The  king  of  Damascus,  according 
to  the  Assyrian  annals,  was  Mari',  an  Aramaic  word 
for  'lord.'  There  is  no  room  for  him  in  our  list  of 
Syrian  kings,  uniess  he  is  identical  with  Ben-hadad 
III,  son  of  Hazael  (2  Kings  xiii.  24).  The  capture 
of  Damascus  marked  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  Syria. 
Its  formidable  power,  always  a  menace  to  Israel,  was 
broken.  Henceforth  its  resistance  was  materially  re- 
duced. At  some  point  in  this  period  of  Syria's  his- 
tory, Joash  of  Israel  is  said  (2  Kings  xiii.  14-17,  25) 
to  have  smitten  Israel  three  times.  Soon  thereafter 
Jeroboam  II,  son  of  Joash,  taking  advantage  of 
Syria's  weakness,  subjected  her  territory,  including 
the  city  of  Damascus,  and  annexed  it  to  Israel.  The 
whole  Syrian  domain  thus  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
northern  kingdom. 

260.  In  742  B.  C,  Tiglath-pileser  III  (745-727 
B.  C.)  arrived  in  the  "West-land.  Arpad,  in  north- 
ern Syria,  withstood  him  for  three  years,  but 
was  finally  obliged  to  yield.  He  turned  his  at- 
tention to  the  smaller  cities  and  peoples  to  the 
south,  and  gives  in  a  list  of  tributaries,  "Eezon  of  Da- 
mascus and  Menahem  of  Samaria"  (148).     After  the 


SYRIA   SUBDUED  277 

reception  of  tribute  and  partial  establishment  of  his 
authority,  Tiglath-pileser  returned  to  Assyria  to  look 
after  other  subjects.  This  gave  the  ambitious  king 
of  Damascus  his  desired  opportunity.  He  persuaded 
the  new  king  of  Israel,  Pekah,  to  join  him  in  a  coali- 
tion against  the  authority  of  Assyria.  These  two 
attempted  to  force  Ahaz  into  the  combination.  But 
he  appealed  for  help  to  the  oncoming  conqueror. 
Damascus  was  besieged,  and  in  732,  though  the  As- 
syrian annals  are  very  fragmentary,  was  captured, 
*Eezin'  slain,  and  its  chief  inhabitants  carried  cap- 
tive to  Kir,  possibly  some  point  in  Armenia.  The 
king  of  Assyria  plundered  and  carried  away  captive 
all  the  northern  and  eastern  territory  of  Israel.  This 
was  the  final  and  fatal  stroke  to  Syria.  Thereafter 
she  assumed  no  prominence  as  a  nation  among  the 
nations.  She  was  merely  a  prosperous  tributary  of 
some  greater  power,  and  her  influence  was  mainly 
commercial. 

261.  Syria's  system  of  worship  is  occasionally  re- 
ferred to  in  the  Old  Testament.  After  Naaman,  cap- 
tain of  the  host  of  Syria,  had  been  healed  of  his  lep- 
rosy by  dipping  in  the  Jordan,  he  requested  of  Elisha 
(2  Kings  V.  18)  that  when  he  should  offer  sacrifice 
to  Jehovah,  he  might  be  pardoned  for  going  with 
his  master  into  the  house  of  Eimmon,  and  bowing 
himself  in  the  house  of  Eimmon.  This  god  was 
probably  identical  with  the  Assyrian  Eamman,  the 
weather-god.      Another    deity    of    prominence    was 


278  SYRIAN  DEITIES 

Hadad,  or  Addu,  formed  in  such  proper  names  as 
Hadadezer,  Hadad-Rimmon  (Zech.  xii.  11),  and  Ben- 
hadad.  On  the  Panammu  inscription  from  Senjirli 
(250)   we   find   this:     "And  this   memorial   is   the 

of  Hadad  and  El  and  Rekub-el,  the  lord 

of  the  house,  and  Shemesh  and  the  gods  of  Ja'di." 
Other  less  prominent  deities  are  mentioned  incident- 
ally in  Aramaean  inscriptions  from  other  sections  of 
western  Asia.  Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that 
Israel  had  just  on  her  northern  borders  a  powerful 
people,  kin  by  blood,  rivals  in  politics,  and  diverse 
in  worship.  Marks  of  their  lives  can  be  seen  in  many 
places  on  the  national  life  of  Israel.  And  evidence 
of  her  vigor  and  strength,  and  of  the  verity  of  the  Old 
Testament's  statements,  comes  from  many  widely  dis- 
tributed monuments  and  peoples. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

THE  SAMARITANS 

262.  The  principal  bond  of  union  in  the  govern- 
ment of  ancient  oriental  monarchies  was  force.  This 
stubborn  fact  made  perpetual  demands  on  the  vigi- 
lance and  the  strength  of  the  standing  army  of  the 
ruler.  If  for  any  reason  there  was  a  sign  of  weak- 
ness, or  of  vacillation  on  the  part  of  the  right  arm  of 
control,  it  was  regarded  by  provincial  subjects  as  a 
call  to  arms,  a  trumpet  blast  announcing  a  revo- 
lution. There  was  another  occasion  also  that  was 
always  anticipated  by  the  "man  in  power"  with 
thoughts  of  alarm  and  terror.  It  was  the  critical 
moment  when  the  authority  must  be  transferred  from 
father  to  son.  Instead  of  the  legitimate  heir,  a 
usurper  was  ever  a  dread  possibility.  The  death  of 
the  king  always  carried  with  it  a  contingent  upheaval. 
As  soon  as  the  pressure  was  removed,  expansive 
human  nature  rebounded  to  its  old  conditions  of  lib- 
erty and  independence.  This  fact  largely  accounts 
for  the  mercurial  power  of  many  ancient  monarchies. 
The  accession  of  each  successive  ruler  usually  meant 
the  resubjugation  of  most  of  the  peoples  of  his  royal 
heritage.  If  he  was  equal  to  this  initial  demand  on 
his  military  ability,  he  thereby  laid  the  foundations 

279 


280  POLICY  OF  DEPORTATION 

for  a  successful  oriental  realm.  But  if  he  exhausted 
his  resources  in  securing  and  maintaining  the  hom- 
age of  no  more  than  his  home  subjects,  his  reign 
was  not  an  oriental  success,  to  be  displayed  in  loud- 
sounding  phrases  in  the  royal  annals. 

263.  Early  conquerors  and  rulers  had  taken  one 
precaution  against  the  possible  secession  of  their  new 
subjects.  They  had  been  accustomed  from  time  im- 
memorial to  carry  away  from  conquered  lands  large 
numbers  of  captives.  These  were  either  used  as 
slaves  in  the  prosecution  of  large  building  enterprises, 
or  sold  to  be  transported  to  the  great  slave  marts  of 
the  world.  In  either  case  they  added  to  the  resources 
of  their  government.  The  provinces,  too,  from  which 
they  had  been  wrested  would  be  less  able  in  the  future 
to  offer  a  troublesome  resistance  to  royal  demands. 
This  policy  was  in  vogue  many  centuries,  apparently, 
before  it  became  evident  that  its  results  were  disas- 
trous to  the  provincial  prosperity  of  the  kingdom. 
The  deportation  of  the  most  thrifty  of  the  popu- 
lation, the  transfer  to  Assyria  of  the  best  of  the 
cattle,  and  the  robbing  of  the  treasures  of  the  cap- 
tured state,  brought  about  but  one  condition  of 
things.  And  that  was  a  depleted  and  discouraged 
people,  a  severe  diminution  in  the  amount  of  products 
of  the  soil,  and  an  abject  dependence  on  higher  au- 
thorities for  their  direction  and  inspiration.  This 
would  naturally  centralize  at  the  capital  the  pros- 
perity, the  authority,  and  the  power  of  the  kingdom. 


POLICY  OF  IMPORTATION  281 

264.  But  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Tiglath- 
pileser  III  (745-727  B.  C.)  opened  a  new  era  in  Assyr- 
ian history.  He  ventured  early  in  his  reign  to  in- 
augurate a  new  policy  for  his  provinces.  For  a  purely 
military  control  of  dependencies,  established  and  exe- 
cuted by  his  royal  predecessors,  he  organized  a  sys- 
tem of  civil  government,  in  which  the  governed  had 
some  part.  And  in  order  to  compensate  in  part  for 
the  deportation  of  the  population,  and  the  depletion 
of  land  values,  Tiglath-pileser  introduced  a  new 
measure.  The  impoverished  country  was  not  left 
to  grow  up  wild  and  to  be  the  haunts  of  wild  beasts. 
Into  this  territory  he  imported  peoples  from  other 
conquered  lands.  These  were  carried  from  different 
provinces,  so  that,  with  little  community  of  blood  or 
language,  they  might  be  less  liable  to  combine  in 
rebellion  against  their  master.  This  policy  threw 
together  peoples  of  the  most  diverse  customs,  habits, 
and  religion.  They  spoke  different  languages,  and 
were  descendants  of  widely  separated  nationalities. 
The  results  of  such  aggregations  of  diverse  peoples 
were  often  very  strange. 

265.  The  land  of  Israel  had  been  often  plundered 
by  almost  all  of  its  neighboring  peoples,  but  the 
disastrous  and  devastating  raids  of  Assyria  surpassed 
these  in  their  permanent  damage  to  the  country. 
Tiglath-pileser  III  had  carried  off  multitudes  from 
East  of  the  Jordan  and  from  northern  Israel.     Shal- 


282  SAMARIA  RE-PEOPLED 

maneser  IV  (727-722  B.  C.)  had  received  the  king- 
dom of  Tiglath-pileser  III,  including  the  territory 
and  people  of  the  ten  tribes.  Early  in  his  reign, 
Hoshea  had  plotted  rebellion,  but  was  forgiven  on 
payment  of  tribute.  An  attempt  to  form  a  league 
with  Shabaka  of  Egypt  against  Ass3rria  was  discov- 
ered, and  the  Israelitish  king  captured  and  put  in 
chains.  Shalmaneser  spoiled  the  country,  looted  the 
cities,  carried  off  its  population,  and  besieged  their 
capital  city,  Samaria.  At  the  accession  of  his  suc- 
cessor, Sargon  II,  the  city  yielded  to  the  horrors  of 
the  siege.  Sargon  carried  away  27,290  of  its  inhab- 
itants and  distributed  them  "in  Halah,  and  in  Habor, 
on  the  river  Gozan,  and  in  the  cities  of  the  Medes'^ 
(159).  The  country,  robbed  of  its  population,  and 
the  city  itself  now  fallen  and  spoiled  and  deprived  of 
its  most  valuable  citizens,  were  on  the  down  grade 
towards  a  rapid  destruction. 

266.  The  Old  Testament  recognizes  the  new  Assjrr- 
ian  policy  of  importation  or  immigration  when  it 
says  (2  Kings  xvii.  24):  "And  the  king  of  Assjrria 
brought  men  from  Babylon  and  from  Cuthah,  and 
from  Avva,  and  from  Hamath  and  Sepharvaim,  and 
placed  them  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  instead  of  the 
children  of  Israel,  and  they  possessed  Samaria  and 
dwelt  in  the  cities  thereof."  Sargon  also  preserves  one 
reference  to  his  own  policy  on  this  subject  (Annals, 
95-97):  "The  tribes  of  the  Tamud,  Ibadid,  Marsiman, 
Chayapa,  the  distant  Arabians  who  inhabit  the  desert, 


A  RELIGIOUS  COMPOSITE  283 

whom  no  scholar  or  writer  knew,  who  had  paid  tribute 
to  no  king,  I  smote  in  the  service  of  Asshur  my  lord, 
the  remaining  inhabitants  I  carried  away  and  settled 
in  Samaria/^  The  Kings  and  Sargon's  records 
together  name  nine  different  peoples  who  were  thus 
transported  from  as  many  different  places  and  put 
down  in  the  country  about  Samaria  to  build  the  waste 
places,  to  cultivate  the  soil,  and  to  yield  tribute  for 
the  great  king.  From  the  names  in  the  lists  we  find 
peoples  from  the  desert,  probably  tribes  of  Arabs, 
peoples  from  Hamath  in  the  extreme  northern  end 
of  Syria,  if  indeed  it  were  not  just  before  this  a  city 
of  the  Hittites,  also  some  from  Babylon,  Cuthah,  and 
Sippar.  It  is  not  improbable  that  Sargon  purposely 
planted  in  this  colony  enough  of  the  Babylonian  ele- 
ment to  determine  the  prevailing  character  of  the 
resultant. 

267.  The  immediate  consequences  of  such  an  ag- 
gregation of  religious  views  are  given  in  2  Kings. 
It  is  said  (2  Kings  xvii.  25-28)  that  at  the  beginning, 
probably  because  of  the  long  scarcity  of  population, 
the  peoples  were  plagued  by  the  number  of  lions 
in  the  land.  Complaint  was  made  to  the  king  of 
Assyria  that  this  was  because  they  knew  ^^not  the 
manner  of  the  God  of  the  land."  He  issued  an  order 
and  they  brought  to  Samaria  one  of  the  priests  who 
had  been  carried  into  captivity,  that  he  might  teach 
the  people  of  the  land  how  to  serve  Jehovah.  Then 
we  have  a  description  (2  Kings  xvii.  29-33)  of  the 


284  ANTI-SE]VnTES  IN  CYRUSES  DAY 

religious  result  of  this  experiment:  "Howbeit  every 
nation  made  gods  of  their  own  and  put  them  in  the 
houses  of  the  high  places  which  the  Samaritans  had 
made,  every  nation  in  their  cities  wherein  they 
dwelt.  And  the  men  of  Babylon  made  Succoth- 
benoth,  and  the  men  of  Cuth  made  Nergal,  and  the 
men  of  Hamath  made  Ashima,  and  the  Avvites  made 
Nibhaz  and  Tartak,  and  the  Sepharvites  burnt  their 
children  in  the  fire  to  Adrammelech  and  Anamme- 
lech,  the  gods  of  Sepharvaim.  So  they  feared  Je- 
hovah, and  made  unto  them  from  among  themselves 
priests  of  the  high  places  which  sacrificed  for  them  in 
the  houses  of  the  high  places.  They  feared  Jehovah 
and  served  their  own  gods,  after  the  manner  of  the 
nations  from  among  whom  they  had  been  carried 
away."  This  was  the  syncretistic  form  of  worship 
which  resulted  soon  after  the  plantings  of  Sargon  on 
this  northern  soil  of  Palestine.  The  compiler  of  2 
Kings  does  not  wish  to  be  misunderstood,  and  so  he 
concludes  his  chapter  (xvii.)  thus:  "So  these  nations 
feared  Jehovah,  and  served  their  graven  images ;  their 
children  likewise,  and  their  children's  children,  as 
did  their  fathers  so  do  they  unto  this  day." 

268.  It  is  evident  from  further  references  in  Ezra 
that  the  country  must  have  been  only  sparsely  occu- 
pied by  the  importations  of  Sargon.  Subsequent 
kings  found  here  an  asylum  for  malcontents  from  dif- 
ferent parts  of  their  kingdoms.  When  the  exiles  that 
had  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (537  B.  C.)  from  Baby- 


OPPOSITION   IN  ARTAXERXES'    DAY  285 

Ion  began,  according  to  the  authorization  of  Cyrus 
(Ezra  iv.  3),  to  build  a  temple  at  Jerusalem,  the  peo- 
ples of  Samaria  said  unto  them :  "Let  us  build  with 
you:  for  we  seek  your  God  as  ye  do;  and  (mg.) 
we  do  no  sacrifice  unto  him  since  the  days  of  Esar- 
haddon  king  of  Assyria  (681-668  B.  C),  which 
brought  us  up  hither"  (Ezra  iv.  2).  This  coalescence 
of  such  diverse  peoples  by  persistent  opposition  to 
the  Jews,  finally  succeeded  in  frustrating  all  their 
plans,  and  in  fully  checking  for  the  time  being  the 
work  of  rebuilding  the  temple.  After  fifteen  years' 
delay,  however,  under  a  reauthorization  of  another 
king,  Darius  Hystaspes,  work  was  resumed  and  the 
temple  was  completed  and  dedicated  in  516  B.  C. 
Yet  it  was  done  in  the  face  of  the  persistent  and 
malicious  opposition  of  their  neighbors. 

269.  This  Palestinian  colony  of  Jews  suffered  by 
reason  of  the  continuous  taunts  and  jeers  of  the 
Samaritans.  Probably  early  in  the  reign  of  Artax- 
erxes  I  (464-424  B.  C),  the  Jews  again  arose  to  build 
their  city.  This  time  they  were  fiercely  opposed  by 
their  neighbor  adversaries.  Protests  on  the  ground 
availing  them  nothing,  they  dispatched  a  letter  to  the 
king  of  Persia.  The  parties  to  this  protest  were 
"the  Dinaites  and  the  Apharsathchites,  the  Tarpelites, 
the  Apharsites,  the  Archevites,  the  Babylonians,  the 
Shushanchites,  the  Dehaites,  the  Elamites,  and  the 
rest  of  the  nations  whom  the  great  and  noble  Osnap- 
par  (Assurbanipal,  king  of  Assyria,  668-626  B.  C.) 


286  A  RACIAL  COIMPOSITE 

brought  over  and  set  in  the  city  of  Samaria,  and  in 
the  rest  of  the  country  beyond  the  river"  (Ezra  iv. 
9,  10).  The  composition  of  this  conglomerate  is  un- 
paralleled. Here  are  nine  different  peoples — though 
the  last  clause  of  the  quotation  might  lead  us  to  sus- 
pect that  they  occupied  territory  quite  outside  of  that 
usually  assigned  to  the  Samaritans.  It  is  at  least 
significant  that  all  these  peoples,  wherever  located, 
were  involved  in  the  public  protest  to  the  active 
building  operations  of  the  Jews. 

270.  It  must  now  be  apparent  that  this  so-called 
colony  of  the  Samaritans  was  a  heterogeneous  con- 
glomerate. Sargon  II  (722-705  B.  C.)  imported  Ha- 
mathites,  Babylonians  from  several  rebellious  cities, 
and  four  tribes  of  Arabs  from  the  desert.  Esarhad- 
don  (681-668  B.  C.)  also  added  to  this  composite,  while 
Assurbanipal  (668-626  B.  C.)  transported  to  this  ter- 
ritory Elamites,  Shushanites,  and  several  other  dis- 
tant peoples.  These,  mingled  with  the  poor  Jews 
left  in  the  country  after  Shalmaneser's  and  Sargon's 
deportations,  give  us  the  basis,  the  racial  material, 
out  of  which  sprang  the  later  Samaritans.  The  gods 
of  all  these  peoples,  set  up  and  worshiped,  not  by 
each  exclusivel}^,  but  by  any  who  would,  give  us  a 
mingled  worship  equaled  nowhere  else  in  ancient  his- 
tory. Naturally  the  Jews,  if  cognizant  of  all  of  the 
claims  of  Jehovah,  would  assiduously  avoid  all  con- 
tact with  the  very  thing  that  had  undermined  and 
overthrown  the  kingdom  of  their  fathers. 


JEWS  PALL  INTO  THE  TRAP  287 

271.  In  spite  of  these  marks  of  open  antagonism 
to  every  advance  step  of  the  Jews,  it  is  certain  that 
long  years  of  living  side  by  side  somewhat  cooled 
that  ardor.  In  fact,  their  relations  became  so  molli- 
fied and  agreeable  by  the  time  of  Ezra's  return  (458 
B.  C.)  that  intermarriages  were  not  infrequent. 
And  these  were  current  not  simply  among  the  com- 
mon people,  but  "the  hand  of  the  princes  and  rulers 
hath  been  chief  in  this  trespass"  (Ezra  ix.  2).  The 
early  opposition  of  Zerubbabel  to  uniting  with  these 
peoples  apparently  had  availed  nothing,  and  the  Jews 
were  again  freely  mingling  with  the  most  vicious  of 
idolaters.  Ezra's  drastic  measures  (Ezra  x.  11),  in- 
human as  they  were,  seemed  to  be  the  speediest  and 
most  effective  means  of  stamping  out  the  evil.  But  the 
Jews  were  almost  surrounded  by  peoples  who  were 
ready  at  every  opportunity  to  strike  them  a  death- 
blow. Ezra's  enforced  separation  of  heathen  wives 
from  their  Jewish  husbands  had  doubtless  no  small 
part  in  kindling  against  the  Jews  new  fires  of  enmity. 
The  liberal  Samaritans  and  other  nationalities  now 
had  a  new  and  valid  reason  for  crushing  the  hated 
Jew. 

272.  Several  years  (445  B.  C.)  after  the  reforms 
of  Ezra,  Nehemiah  returned  from  Persia  to  build 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  The  first  report  of  this  fact 
that  reached  the  ears  of  the  enemy  (N'eh.  iv.  1)  aroused 
new  opposition.  Sanballat  the  Horonite,  a  leading 
Samaritan,  derided  the  Jews  in  the  presence  of  the 


288  NEHEIVnAH'S  WALL-BUILDING 

Samaritan  troops:  "What  do  these  feeble  Jews?" 
(Neh.  iv.  2).  Tobiah  the  Ammonite,  one  of  his  aids, 
said  (Ezra  iv.  3):  "Even  that  which  they  build,  if 
a  fox  go  up  he  shall  break  their  stone  wall."  Ee- 
peated  attempts  were  made  by  these  leaders  to  check 
the  enthusiasm  of  Nehemiah,  but  to  no  purpose. 
Then  a  coalition  of  enemies  was  formed  of  San- 
ballat,  Tobiah,  Geshem,  the  Arabians  possibly  those 
settled  near  Samaria  by  Sargon  II,  the  Ammonites, 
and  the  Ashdodites,  to  stop  the  wall-building  of 
Nehemiah.  The  unswerving  will  of  JSTehemiah 
pushed  ahead,  despite  all  the  warnings  and  words  of 
opposition.  He  was  five  times  invited  to  a  confer- 
ence at  Ono,  but  turned  not  aside  from  his  steadfast 
purpose,  to  step  into  a  trap  of  the  foe.  Bribery  was 
the  next  means  adopted  to  catch  him,  or  slander  him. 
"Shemaiah,  the  son  of  Delaiah"  (Neh.  vi.  10)  was 
hired  by  Tobiah  and  Sanballat  to  induce  Nehemiah, 
a  layman,  to  hide  from  a  would-be  murderer  in  the 
sacred  temple  courts.  This  ruse  also  failed.  And 
the  builders,  armed  for  defense  and  service,  finished 
the  repairing  of  the  walls  in  fifty-two  days,  to  the 
dismay  of  their  sworn  antagonists. 

273.  The  vigorous  reforms  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
widened  the  gulf  between  the  Jews  and  their  neigh- 
bors, especially  between  them  and  the  Samaritans. 
In  436  (Neh.  xiii.  6)  Nehemiah  returned  to  Persia. 
After  some  time  he  returned  to  Jerusalem,  to  find 
that  mixed  marriages  were  still  in  vogue,  especially 


sf  tl'PlllFJllil  llf 


tf 


m>^y  ^.R  <f^-v  w'^N  f?  ^  Jt*^  ^.3(:  «^  :^^^  ^  j^ m  ^ 


xiifHifin 


r^J^l^ 


\c^ 


^  r*^  y  ^  ^A  k^.^'^'^ 


y  ^  ;,  ^  S  ^?^>fe<r  i>  ^  ^  ^ 

'"^^il^  i  ^^  fl'  ^-^  tf 


mm 


nehemiah's  rigorous  reforms  289 

among  some  of  the  country  population  (xiii.  23-25). 
These  he  roundly  cursed  and  beat,  and  put  them 
under  oath  not  to  continue  the  practice  for  their 
children.  But  of  most  significance  was  the  discov- 
ery that  one  of  the  grandsons  (Manasseh)  of  the  high- 
priest  Eliashih,  had  become  son-in-law  of  Sanballat 
the  Horonite,  the  most  representative  Samaritan  who 
had  opposed  the  work  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xiii.  28). 
Josephus  {Antiq.  xi.  8,  2)  tells  us  that  Manasseh 
preferred  rather  to  lose  his  wife  than  the  high-priest's 
office  in  Jerusalem.  Sanballat  promised  him,  if  he 
would  retain  his  wife  and  forsake  Jerusalem,  that  he 
would  build  a  temple  for  him  on  Mount  Gerizim  like 
that  at  Jerusalem,  and  would  see  that  Darius  be- 
stowed on  him  a  high-priesthood.  Elated  by  these 
promises,  he  forsook  Jerusalem  and  its  temple,  bear- 
ing toward  it  only  feelings  of  bitterness  and  enmity. 

274.  This  event  practically  terminated  the  friendly 
relations  of  the  Jews  and  the  Samaritans.  It  was 
also  the  turning-point  in  the  religious  life  of  the 
latter.  A  temple  was  built  on  Mount  Gerizim,  as  a 
rival  of  that  in  Jerusalem.  Its  new  and  first  high- 
priest,  Manasseh,  carried  from  Jerusalem  sufficient 
reverence  for  the  law  to  make  it  the  basis  of  worship. 
His  and  his  relatives'  influence  seem  to  have  counter- 
acted and  overcome  the  semi-heathen  idolatry  of  the 
mingled  peoples,  and  to  have  successfully  contended 
for  the  pure  worship  of  Jehovah. 

It  is  quite  beyond  our  purpose  to  follow  down  to 


290      RUPTURE  BETWEEN  SAMARITANS  AND  JEWS 

the  present  day  the  history  of  this  peculiar  people. 
We  have  seen  how  they  originated,  what  species  of  wor- 
ship they  adopted,  their  attitude  toward  the  Jews  in 
the  restoration  period,  and  one  of  the  chief  causes 
of  the  rupture  between  them  and  the  Jewish  colony. 
Suffice  it  to  say  that  they  adopted  as  their  Bible  the 
Pentateuch.  Their  strict  exclusiveness  through  all 
the  centuries  has  preserved  them.  And  to-day  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  of  these  devoted  worshipers 
are  found  at  Nablus,  at  the  foot  of  their  holy  moun- 
tain, Gerizim. 


CHAPTER   XXV 

OUR  NEW  OLD  TESTAMENT 

275.  Our  old  Old  Testament  of  the  beginning  of 
this  century  has  now  become  a  new  Old  Testament. 
This  rejuvenation  of  the  old  book  is  due  to  the  large 
progress  made  in  explorations,  discoveries,  and  de- 
cipherment of  antiquities  during  the  present  cen- 
tury, and  preeminently  during  the  last  half  of  it. 
Almost  every  Bible  land  has  been  laid  under  tribute 
to  this  cause,  and  some  of  them  have  poured  into 
our  archaeological  coffers  more  than  we  can  as  yet 
measure  or  interpret.  Private  and  public  expedi- 
tions are  at  work  to-day  in  several  of  these  oriental 
lands,  and  they  promise  to  yield  fruit  as  fast  as  we 
can  care  for  it.  Eemains  of  all  the  principal  peoples 
mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament  now  decorate  the 
cases  of  our  museums,  and  tons  of  new  material  are 
being  gathered  in  at  the  end  of  every  season.  This 
work  cannot  be  too  strongly  supported.  Every  addi- 
tional fact  added  to  our  knowledge  simply  elucidates 
some  hitherto  unexplained  difficulty,  and  every  spade 
plunged  into  an  oriental  mound  is  merely  a  step 
toward  the  discovery  of  some  new  fact. 

276.  The  scope  of  the  results  of  these  discoveries 

291 


292  ITS  NEW  CREDITS 

is  immeasurable.  They  touch  almost  every  part  of 
the  Old  Testament.  The  preceding  chapters  have 
indicated  to  some  extent  their  significance,  though  it 
was  manifestly  impossible  to  treat  every  department  of 
the  Old  Testament  aifected  by  the  monuments,  in  so 
limited  a  compass.  The  largest  contribution  is  that 
made  to  the  historical  setting  of  the  children  of 
Israel  in  the  different  periods  of  their  history. 
Archaeology  comes  in  for  no  small  share  in  the  per- 
manent good  derived  from  this  source.  A  new  and 
definite  location  of  events  formerly  assigned  to  semi- 
oblivion  gives  additional  vividness  to  the  narrative. 
The  determination  of  the  exact  time  of  the  occurrence 
of  events  has  also  added  interest  to  many  of  the  facts 
in  the  Old  Testament.  But  there  is  no  more  fas- 
cinating department  of  new  information  than  that 
pertaining  to  the  ethnology  of  early  oriental  peo- 
ples. There  are  few  names  of  peoples  now  remain- 
ing in  the  Old  Testament  about  whom  we  have 
not  secured  some  new  facts.  The  religions,  too,  of 
the  contemporaneous  nations  are  better  known  than 
they  were  a  half-century  ago.  The  meanings  of  some 
words  in  the  Old  Testament  have  assumed  a  new  im- 
portance since  the  opening  of  the  magical  Babylonian- 
Assyrian  cuneiform  tongue,  a  half-sister  to  the  He- 
brew. This  larger  meaning  for  the  words  of  the  Old 
Testament  assures  us  of  a  better  understanding  of 
the  original  Hebrew,  and  a  more  expressive  and  sym- 


JLIttiw 


TRIBUTE     OF     JEHU,     SOX     OF     O  M  R I 


SILVER 


GOLD 


BASINS    OF     GOLD 


BOWLS     OF     G  (»  L  I) 


PROCESSION  OF  JEWS  PAYING  TRIBUTE  TO  SHALMANESER  II 
(From  the  second  group  around  the  Black  Obelisk) 


CUPS  OF  GOLD 


BUCKETS  OF  GOLD 


LEAD 


f^i'l 


yw^l 


A     ROYAL     SCEPTRE 


STAY  E  S 


I     RECEIVED 


PROCESSION   OF  JEWS   PAYING   TRIBUTE  TO   SHALMANESER  II 
(From  the  second  group  around  the  Black  Obelisk) 


HISTORICAL  CREDITS  293 

pathetic  meaning  for  the  words  penned  by  the  writers 
of  the  Old  Testament. 

277.  In  surveying  the  whole  sweep  of  discoveries 
in  the  historical  line,  one  may  well  be  amazed  at  the 
galaxy  of  characters  now  drawn  up  to  view.  Begin- 
ning back  at  the  fourteenth  chapter  of  Genesis,  we 
find  evidence  of  the  existence  of  the  leader,  Chedor- 
laomer,  of  the  great  Elamite  campaign  against  the 
cities  of  the  plain.  The  probabilities  of  a  Hyksos 
domination  in  Egypt  when  Abram  and  Joseph  reached 
the  Nile-land  are  increasing  with  each  new  Egyptian 
discovery  touching  this  period.  The  possession  at 
Gizeh  Museum  of  the  mummy  of  the  Pharaoh  of  the 
oppression,  Rameses  II,  and  a  tablet  of  the  time  of 
Meneptah  II,  bearing  the  name  "Israel,"  add  great 
vividness  to  the  bondage  of  Israel  in  Egypt.  Por- 
traits of  some  of  the  Canaanitish  peoples  show  us  the 
kind  of  soldiers  that  disputed  with  Joshua  the  occu- 
pation of  the  promised  land.  ShishaFs  portrait  of 
his  captives  from  Canaan  bears  evidence  on  the  face 
of  it  of  the  verity  of  the  Kings  record  of  that  event. 
The  Moabite  stone  tells  us  that  Mesha  of  Moab  (2 
Kings  iii.  -1)  was  no  less  a  king  than  represented  by 
the  compiler  of  Kings.  Shalmaneser  II's  own  record 
bears  testimony  to  the  existence  of  Ahab,  of  Ben- 
hadad,  and  Hazael  of  Damascus,  and  of  '^Jehu  son 
of  Omri."  Tiglath-pileser  III  has  left  most  valuable 
documents  in  which  he  mentions  Azariah  (Uzziah) 


294  ARCaEOLOGICAL  CREDITS 

and  Ahaz  of  Judah,  and  Menahem,  Pekah,  and 
Hoshea  of  Israel,  and  Rezin  of  Damascus.  Sargori 
II  describes  his  capture  of  Samaria,  and  of  Ashdod. 
Sennacherib's  records  are  full  of  facts  regarding  his 
illustrious  campaign  of  701  B.  C,  where  we  find  Heze- 
kiah  mentioned  by  name,  the  siege  of  Lachish  pic- 
tured on  his  walls,  and  the  amount  of  tribute  paid 
the  invader.  Esarhaddon  and  Assurbanipal  both 
mention  in  their  lists  of  tributaries  Manasseh  of 
Judah.  The  overthrow  of  Nineveh,  pictured  in 
Nahum,  is  attested  by  a  small  inscription  of  Nabon- 
idus.  The  policy  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  and  his  ad- 
ministrative ability,  are  evident  in  his  own  records. 
The  annals  of  Nabonidus  and  of  Cjrrus  picture  the 
fall  of  Babylon  and  the  governmental  policy  of  Cyrus 
outlined  in  the  Old  Testament.  Belshazzar  is  seen 
to  be  the  son,  co-regent,  of  Nabonidus,  the  last  Sem- 
itic king  of  Babylon.  The  construction  of  the  pal- 
ace of  Susa  is  found  to  correspond  in  every  important 
respect  to  the  descriptions  of  the  book  of  Esther. 
In  brief,  we  now  have  several  new  and  corroborative 
chapters  of  history,  as  one  immediate  result  of  the 
decipherment  of  the  new  documents  dug  out  of  the 
earth  within  the  last  half-century. 

278.  The  archaeology  of  those  days  is  also  a  new 
theme.  The  Old  Testament  representations  of  the 
laws  and  customs  of  social  and  political  life  have  often 
aroused  sharp  criticism.  The  repulsive  character  of 
the  religious  rites  of  some  of  those  old  nations  has 


GEOGRAPHICAL  CREDITS  295 

often  been  remarked.  And  the  commercial  enter- 
prise of  some  of  those  old  peoples  was  thought  to  be 
an  exaggeration.  But  now,  in  reading  the  records  of 
the  peoples  about  whom  the  Old  Testament  made 
such  representations,  we  are  surprised  at  the  faith- 
fulness of  the  sketch  to  the  true  picture.  The  un- 
savory character  of  Phoenician  Baal  worship  as  de- 
picted in  the  Old  Testament  is  seen  in  the  records  of 
Phcenicia  to  have  been  still  more  debasing  and  hor- 
rible. We  have  also  discovered  that  Israel  possessed, 
in  common  with  other  Semitic  peoples,  many  of  her 
social,  political,  and  religious  customs.  Most  of  the 
religious  rites  adopted  by  Israel  were  current  among 
her  kin.  We  find  the  ark,  laws  of  purifications,  offer- 
ings, circumcision,  and  numerous  other  rites  among 
other  Semitic  tribes  of  that  day.  Their  adoption  by 
Israel  was  their  consecration  to  the  service  of  one  God 
instead  of  to  the  many  of  her  neighbors.  This  com- 
munity of  customs  constituted  one  of  the  open  doors 
for  Israel  to  enter  into  the  idolatrous  ways  of  her 
neighbors.  Common  blood,  common  customs,  and 
a  common  language  were  a  long  step  toward  common 
methods  of  worship.  There  are  other  points,  and 
many  of  them,  where  the  archseology  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament has  received  great  impetus  from  the  records 
of  the  past. 

279.  It  is  with  a  new  zest  that  Bible  students  now 
sit  down  to  draw  a  map,  for  instance,  of  the  empire  of 
Thothmes  III,  Rameses  II,  or  of  Shalmaneser  II.    We 


296  CHBOXOLOGICAL  CREDITS 

can  specify  almost  the  boundary  lines  established  by 
those  old  kings.  In  some  cases,  as  that  at  Dog 
Biver,  we  find  their  boundary  stones  chiseled  out 
of  the  sides  of  the  mountains.  Besides  the  outer  lim- 
its, we  can  now  fix  the  site  of  many  a  city  whose  very 
existence  was  formerly  in  doubt.  Xineveh,  Pithom, 
Lachish,  and  Amenophis  IT's  capital  at  Tel  el-Amar- 
na  are  notable  examples.  The  identification  of  hun- 
dreds of  sites  has  given  us  a  standard  of  measure- 
ments of  distances,  so  that  we  are  able  to  estimate 
the  probable  relations  of  events  that  occurred  at  this 
and  that  place.  In  short,  our  increased  knowledge 
of  ancient  geography  has  furnished  us  a  plan  drawn 
to  a  scale  on  which  we  mav  locate  anew  manv  of  the 
events  of  the  millennium  of  the  Old  Testament. 

280.  Chronology  is  a  right-hand  helper  to  geog- 
raphy. It  is  a  gratifying  fact  that  the  inscriptions 
have  let  in  a  little  light  on  the  troublesome  chron- 
ology of  the  Old  Testament.  The  discovery  of  sev- 
eral eponym  lists  covering  about  two  and  one-half 
centuries,  or  from  about  900-666  B.  C,  has  given 
hope  to  an  apparently  hopeless  maze.  By  the  use  of 
these  tables  we  can  determine  in  part  the  Hebrew 
methods  of  compiling  historical  facts,  and  also  the 
allowance  that  must  be  made  when  we  estimate  the 
chronology  of  the  Hebrew  kings  of  this  period.  It 
is  interesting  to  note  that  Ussher^s  and  the  eponjrti 
chronology  agree  in  locating  the  fall  of  Samaria  in 
722  B.  C,  but  that  as  we  recede  Ussher^s  dates  are 


ETHNOGRAPHICAL  CREDITS  297 

too  long.  Instead  of  975  (Ussher),  the  division  of 
the  kingdom  occurred  at  about  931  B.  C.  Though, 
Egyptian  chronology  is  as  yet  fragmentary,  it  is  quite 
probable  that  the  exodus  occurred  about  1276  B.  C, 
while  the  period  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  was 
between  1450  and  1400  B.  C.  The  time  for  a  com- 
plete reconstruction  of  biblical  chronology  has  not 
yet  arrived.  But  we  can  make  valuable  use  of  every 
new  fact  until  such  time  comes.  The  vital  impor- 
tance of  the  facts  already  acquired  must  be  apparent 
to  every  careful  student  of  the  period  of  the  prophets. 

281.  The  Old  Testament  is  a  kind  of  picture  gal- 
lery of  the  nations.  Some  of  the  peoples  are  depicted 
much  more  in  detail  than  others.  Of  some  we  see 
only  a  bare  outline.  ^N'ow  we  are  able  to  touch  up 
many  of  those  pictures  with  new  and  striking  colors. 
We  are  able  not  only  to  complete  these  pictures,  but 
to  estimate  the  relations  of  the  subjects  to  each  other. 
The  Aramaeans  and  the  Hittites,  the  Assyrians  and 
the  Chaldeans,  the  Elamites  and  the  Persians,  the 
Samaritans  and  the  Jews,  can  now  be  compared  and 
contrasted,  with  some  probability  of  arriving  at  safe 
conclusions.  This  study  will  also  aid  us  in  estimating 
the  specific  influence  of  each  of  these  peoples  in 
Israel.  The  better  we  understand  the  ethnography 
of  Israelis  day,  as  preserved  in  the  inscriptions,  the 
more  far-reaching  and  just  will  be  our  conclusions 
as  to  their  relations  to  Israel. 

282.  The  outer  life  of  a  nation  can  be  correctly 


298  RELIGIOUS  CREDITS 

estimated  from  the  character  of  its  religion  and  wor- 
ship. With  that  elaborate  work  out  of  old  Egypt, 
the  ^Book  of  the  Dead/  and  our  penitential  hymns, 
and  incantations  in  the  cuneiform  literature,  we  can 
partially  understand  the  religious  life  of  the  Egyp- 
tian and  Babylonian.  The  devotion  of  the  Baby- 
lonian-Assyrian kings  to  their  great  divinities  is 
also  a  revelation  of  the  religious  life  of  those  mon- 
archs.  The  very  constitution  of  many  of  their  names 
is  religious,  embodying  as  it  does  the  name  of  one  of 
their  principal  deities,  and  the  recognition  of  his 
part  in  the  life  of  the  named.  The  Egyptian,  Ara- 
maean, Phoenician,  and  many  other  deities  men- 
tioned in  the  Old  Testament  are  now  known  either 
in  the  portraiture  or  in  the  narrative  of  their  re- 
spective peoples.  The  attributes  assigned  to  these 
deities  are  those  that  give  the  chief  mark  to  the 
worship  of  each  people.  Israel's  fall  into  idolatry 
was  a  fall  into  the  debasing  life  suggested  by  the 
attributes  of  each  several  deity.  The  better  we  un- 
derstand these  deities  the  more  light  shall  we  gather 
on  the  manner  of  Israel's  defection  from  the  worship 
of  the  true  God,  Jehovah. 

283.  The  study  and  interpretation  of  language  lie 
at  the  root  of  most  other  ancient  oriental  themes. 
The  fact  that  Israel  lived  at  different  times  in  close 
proximity  to  many  other  nations,  provides  the  pos- 
sibility of  introduction  into  her  language  of  foreign 
words.     This   century's   'finds'  have   shown  in  the 


LINGUISTIC  CREDITS  299 

Old  Testament  a  large  number  of  words  of  foreign 
origin.  These  words  brought  with  them  and  retain 
their  original  meanings.  We  find  Egyptian,  Canaan- 
itish,  Phoenician,  Aramaean,  Babylonian-Assyrian, 
Persian,  and  Greek  words  in  the  Old  Testament. 
Their  meaning  can  now  be  seen  in  their  own  language, 
and  consequently  in  the  connections  in  which  they 
appear  in  the  Hebrew. 

Again,  there  are  many  Hebrew  words  that  occur 
once  only  in  the  Old  Testament.  Their  meaning  can 
be  ascertained  by  a  long  comparative  process,  but  it 
is  now  immensely  clarified  by  the  discovery  in  one 
of  the  new  cognate  tongues  of  that  word  in  scores 
or  hundreds  of  connections.  This  fact,  especially 
from  the  side  of  the  Babylonian-Assyrian,  the  extent 
of  whose  vocabulary  is  not  yet  measured,  lends  great 
value  to  the  linguistic  study  of  the  Old  Testament. 
The  significance,  too,  of  the  proper  names  of  the  Old 
Testament  is  greatly  enhanced  by  these  linguistic 
additions  to  our  knowledge. 

284.  The  definiteness  and  clearness  of  meaning  of 
a  passage  is  dependent  on  our  understanding  the  ex- 
act meaning  of  its  words,  or  the  meaning  which  the 
author  intended  that  its  words  should  convey.  The 
discovery  of  words  that  aid  us  in  understanding  ob- 
scure and  difficult  portions  of  the  Old  Testament  is 
a  most  happy  contribution  to  its  exegesis.  This  fact 
increases  the  necessity  every  year  for  new  translations 
and  expositions  of  the  Bible.     It  emphasizes  the  im- 


300  CHARACTER  OF  THE  EVTOENCE 

portance  of  carefully  watching  the  results  of  the  work 
of  Old  Testament  scholars,  especially  in  expository 
or  exegetical  lines.  Every  preceding  item  in  this 
chapter  contributes  its  part  to  the  understanding  of 
the  Old  Testament.  The  ever-increasing  volume  of 
new  facts,  in  their  new  relations,  necessitates  new 
expositions  and  new  commentaries.  The  ever- 
expanding  realm  of  truth  requires  that  the  student 
of  the  Old  Testament  should  be  fully  conversant  with 
the  best  that  touches  his  work,  and  the  best  thought 
on  his  work. 

285.  Our  old  Old  Testament  has  now  become  a  mar- 
velously  new  Old  Testament.  Many  of  its  trans- 
formers were  peoples  whose  ambitions  were  coequal 
with  the  abode  of  man,  whose  policy  was  ^might  es- 
tablishes right,^  and  whose  interests  were  supremely 
selfish.  These  nations  formed  the  background  of 
Israel's  life,  and  gave  it  many  a  tint,  many  a  shade, 
and  spots  of  darkest  dye.  But  their  records,  chis- 
eled in  adamantine  volumes,  stamped  in  perishable 
clay,  painted  in  the  darkness  of  the  tombs,  or  cut  on 
mountain  side,  bring  impartial,  unimpeachable,  and 
conclusive  proof  of  the  veracity  of  the  Old  Testament. 


REFERENCES  FOR  FURTHER  STUDY 

(additional  to  books  named  in  the  text) 

Chapter  I:  A  Fragmentary  Old  Testament 
The  Book  of  Judges;  land  2  Kings:  Hosea;  Haggai;Ezra. 

Chapter  II:  A  Lone  Old  Testament 

Robert  Ker  Porter,  Travels  in  Georgia,  Persia^  Ancient 
Babylonia,  etc.,  during  1811-20  {1^'22)\  C.J.Rich,  Memoir 
on  the  Ruins  of  Babylon.  3d  ed.  (1818);  Ainsworth,  Travels 
in  the  Track  of  the  Ten  Thousand  Greeks  (1844);  Chesney, 
Expedition  for  Survey  of  the  rivers  Euphrates  and  Tigris 
(1859). — Ebers,  Cicerone  durch  das  alte  und  neue  JEgypten, 
2  vols.  (1886);  Edwards,  A  Thousand  Miles  up  the  Nile 
(1876);  McCoan,  Egypt  as  it  is  (1877). 

Chapter  III:  Egypt's  Riddle  Read 

On  decipherment  and  translation  of  Rosetta  Stone,  see 
Budge,  Dwellers  on  the  Nile  (1891)  chap,  i.;  Birch,  Records 
of  the  Past,  Vol.  IX,  69-78.  On  discoveries,  see  Memoirs  of 
the  Egypt  Exploration  Fund  (1884 — )  and  Research  Account, 
and  several  other  works  by  Petrie;  Petrie,  Ten  Years'  Dig- 
ging in  Egypt;  Sayce,  in  Recent  Research  in  Bible  Lands 
(1896),  pp.  95-128;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East  (1899),  p.  255. 

Chapter  IV:  Mesopotamia's  Mounds  Opened 

Evetts,  Light  on  the  Bible  and  the  Holy  Land,  chaps,  i. 
and  ii.;  Rich,  Memoir  on  the  Ruins  of  Babylon  (1816); 
Second  Memoir  (1818) ;  Vaux,  Nineveh  and  Persepolis  (1850); 

301 


302  REFERENCES  FOR  FURTHER  STUDY 

Bonomi,  Nineveh  and  its  Palaces  (1853);  Ward,  W.  H,,  Re- 
port on  the  Wolfe  Expedition  to  Babylonia  1884-1885  (1886); 
Rassam,  Asshurand  the  Land  of  Nimrod  (1897);  Hilprecht, 
in  Recent  Research  in  Bible  Lands,  pp.  43-93. 

Chapter  V:  Cuneiform  Secrets  Revealed 

Evetts,  Light  on  the  Bible  and  the  Holy  Land,  chaps,  iii. 
and  iv.;  Rawlinson,  H.  C,  "  The  Persian  Cuneiform  Inscrip- 
tion at  Behistun  decyphered  and  translated,"  etc.,  in  Jour. 

Royal  Asiatic  Society,  Vol.  X  (1847); ,  "Notes  on  the 

Inscriptions  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria"  in  Jour.  Royal 
Asiatic  Society,  Vol.  XII  (1850);  Sayce,  Babylonian  Litera- 
ture ;  Kaulen,  Assyrien  und  Babylonien  nach  den  neuesten 
Entdeckungen  (1891);  Kinns,  Graven  in  the  Rock  (1891), 
chap.  i. 

Chapter  VI:  Glints  from  Palestine,  Phcenicia  and  the 

HiTTITES 

Memoirs  of  the  Survey  of  Western  Palestine  (1881-83); 
Quarterly  Statements  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund; 
Conder,  Tent-Work  in  Palestine  (1878);  Merrill,  East  of  the 
Jordan  (1883);  Schumacher,  Across    the   Jordan  (1886); 

Conder,    Palestine.  Renan,    Mission   de   Phenicie 

(1863-74);  di  Cesnola,  Researches  and  Discoveries  in  Cyprus 
(1878);  Perrot  and  CYA^^iez,  History  of  Art  in  Antiquity, 
Vol.  Ill  (1885).    On  the  Hittites,  see  chap.  xxii. 

Chapter  VII:  Primitive  Traditions  and  Genesis 

Lenormant,  Beginnings  of  History  (1886);  Smith-Sayce, 
Chaldean  Genesis  (1881);  Arnolt,  W.  M.,  "  Babyl.  Deluge,"  in 
Biblical  World,  Vol.  Ill,  109-118;  Davis,  Genesis  and 
Semitic  Tradition  (1894);  Boscawen,  The  Bible  and  the 
Monuments  (1895);  Sayce,  The  Higher  Criticism  and  the 
Monuments  (1894),  chap,  iii.;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East, 
pp.  1-45. 


REFERENCES  FOR  FURTHER  STUDY  303 

Chapter  VIII:  The  Patriarchs  under  Eastern  Lights 

McCurdy,  History,  Prophecy  and  the  Monuments,  Vol.  I 
§§  100-116, 134-141;  Sayce,  Higher  Crit.  and  Mon.,  chap,  iv.; 

Tomkins,  Abraham  and  his  Age  (1897); ,  Life  and 

Times  of  Joseph  (1891);  Sayce,  Patriarchal  Palestine  (1895), 

chaps,  iii.  and  iv.; ,  The  Egypt  of  the  Hebrews  (1895), 

chap,  i.;  Hommel,  The  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition  (1897), 
chaps,  iv.-vi.;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp.  73-82. 

Chapter  IX:  Israel  under  the  Glow  of  Egypt 

McCurdy,  Hist,  Proph.  and  Mon.,  Vol.  I,  §§  142-167; 
Sayce,  High.  Crit.  and  Mon.,  chaps,  iv.  and  v.;  St.  Clair, 
Buried  Cities  and  Bible  Countries  (1891),  pp.  16-76;  Fraden- 
burgh,  Light  from  Egypt  (1897);  Evetts,  New  Light  on  the 
Bible  and  the  Holy  Land,  chaps,  vi.-viii.;  Sayce,  Egypt  of 
the  Hebrews,  chap,  ii.;  Winckler,  Tel  el-Amarna  Letters 
(1896);  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp.  83-129.  The  various 
Memoirs  of  the  Egypt  Exploration  Fund  and  Research 
Account. 

Chapter  X:  The  Peoples  of  Canaan  and  Israel 

McCurdy,  Hist,  Proph.  and  Mon.,  Vol.  I,  §§  125-133, 

182-194;  Sayce,  High.  Crit.  and  Mon.,  chap,  vi.;  , 

Early  Israel  and  the  Surrounding  Nations  (1899),  chap.ii.; 

,  Egypt  of  the  Hebrews,  chap,  iii.; ,  Patriarchal 

Palestine,  chaps,  v.-vi.;  ,  Races  of  the  Old  Test., 

chap,  vi.;  Hommel,  Anc.  Heb.  Trad.,  chaps,  ii.,  vii.,  viii.; 
Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp.  134, 135;  Sayce,  "  Canaan  " 
in  Hasting's  Diet,  of  the  Bible. 

Chapter  XI:  Foreign  Nations  and  the  Single  Monarchy 

McCurdy,  Hist,  Proph.  and  Mon.,  Vol.  I,  §§195-209; 
Harper,  H.  A.,  Bible  and  Modern  Discoveries,  chap,  vi.; 
Vigouroux,  F.,  La  Bible  et  les  D4couvertes  Modernes.  5th 
ed.  (1889),  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  409-554. 


304  REFERENCES  FOR  FURTHER  STUDY 

Chapter  XII:  Shishak  and  the  Moabite  Stone 

McCurdy,  Hist,  Proph.  and  Mon.,  Vol.  I,  §§  210-15; 
Sayce,  High.  Crit.  and  Mon.,  chap,  viii.;  Kinns,  Chraven  in 
the  Rock,  pp.  417-32;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp.  131-2; 
139-40. 

Chapter  XIII:  Shalmaneser  II  and  Tributary  Israel 

McCurdy,  Hist,  Proph.  and  Mon.,  Vol.  I,  §§  216-54; 
Sayce,  High.  Crit.  and  Mon.,  pp.  389-401;  Kinns,  Graven 
in  the  Rock,  pp.  485-507;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp. 
164-68. 

Chapter  XIV:  Tiglath-pileser  III  and  the  Warring 
Jewish  Kingdoms 

McCurdy,  Hist,  Proph.  and  Mon.,  Vol.  I,  §§  255-341; 
Sayce,  High.  Crit.  and  Mon.,  pp.  401-15;  Ball,  Light  from 
the  East,  pp.  170-84. 

Chapter  XV:  Sargon  II  and  the  Fall  of  Samaria 

McCurdy,  Hist.,  Proph.  and  Mon.,  Vol.  I,  §§  342-64; 
Vol.  II,  §§  620-68;  Sayce,  High.  Crit  and  Mon.,  pp.  415-28; 
Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp.  185-6. 

Chapter  XVI:  Sennacherib's  Western  Campaign  and 

Hezekiah 

McCurdy,  Hist,  Proph.  and  Mon.,  Vol.  II,  §§  669-744; 
Sayce,  High.  Crit.  and  Mon.,  pp.  428-50;  Kinns,  Graven  in 
the  Rock,  pp.  531-71;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp.  187-97. 

Chapter  XVII:  The  Last  Century  and  the  Fall  of 

Assyria 

McCurdy,  Hist,  Proph.  and  Mon.,  Vol.  II,  §§  745-833; 
Kinns,  Graven  in  the  Rock,  pp.  571-612;  Ball,  Light  from 
the  East,  pp.  198-202. 


REFERENCES  FOR  FURTHER  STUDY  305 

Chapter  XVIII:  Nebuchadrezzar  and  the  New  Baby- 
lonian Empire 

Kinns,  Graven  in  the  Rock,  pp.  615-51;  Translation  of 
East  India  House  Inscription  in  Records  of  the  Past,  New 
Series,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  102-23;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp. 
203-6. 

Chapter  XIX:  Cyrus  and  the  Fall  of  Babylon 

Sayce,  High.  Crit.  and  Mon.,  pp.  497-525;  Budge,  Bahyl. 
Life  and  History,  chap,  vi.;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp. 
208-226. 

Chapter  XX:  Daniel  and  Belshazzar 

Evetts,  New  Light,  chaps,  x.-xii.;  Sayce,  High.  Crit.  and 
Mon.,  pp.  525-37;  Kinns,  Graven  in  the  Rock,  pp.  651-9; 
Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  p.  207. 

Chapter  XXI:  The  City  of  Susa  and  Esther 

Evetts,  New  Light,  chap,  ix.;  "Book  of  Esther  and 
Palace  of  Ahasuerus,"  in  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  Oct.  1889; 
Dieulafoy,  L'Acropole  de  Suse,  pp.  359-89;  Ball,  Light  from 
the  East,  pp.  227-30. 

Chapter  XXII:  The  Hittites 

Sayce,  "  Monuments  of  the  Hittites,"  in  Trans.  Soc.  Bib. 
Arch.  (1881);  Wright,  Empire  of  the  Hittites  (1886);  Sayce, 
The  Hittites  (1888);  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Hist,  of  Art  in 
Antiquity,  Vol.  IV;  L.  de  Lantscheere,  De  la  Race  de  la 
Langue  des  Hittites  (1892);  Ward,  W.  H.,  "The  Hittites," 
in  Recent  Research  in  Bible  Lands,  pp.  159-90;  Ball,  Light 
from  the  East,  pp.  140-7. 

Chapter  XXIII:  The  Aram^ans 

Sayce,  Races  of  the  Old  Testament  (1891),  chap,  vi.; 
-,  Early  Israel  and  the  Surrounding  Nations,  chaps. 


ii.  and  iv.;  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  pp.  135-9. 


306  REFERENCES  FOR  FURTHER  STUDY 

Chapter  XXIV:  The  Samaritans 
Vigouroux,  La  Bible  et  les  Die.  Mod.,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  148-73. 

Chapter  XXV:  Our  New  Old  Testament 

Evetts,  Neiv  Light,  chap,  xiv.;  Ball,  Light  from  the 
East,  p.  231. 


Note:  For  outlines  covering  the  whole  period  of  Old 
Testament  history,  with  full  references  to  popular  litera- 
ture of  recent  date,  see  Price,  Syllabus  of  Old  Testament 
History,  Revell  Co.,  Chicago. 


ANCIENT   DATES  MENTIONED 

B.  C.  Page 

4777-3410,  1st— Vlth  Eg.  dynasties,     -            -  -        100 

3800,  Sargon  I,          -            -            -            -  -              101 

2985-2565,  XI-XIII  Eg.  dynasties,        -            -  -        100 

2800,  circ.^  Gudea,  king  of  Lagash,             -  -                54 

1587-1240,  XVIIIth-XXth  dynasties,  -            -  -        100 

1500-1450,  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  written,  -  66, 111-3,  263 

1281,  Death  of  Rameses  II,       -            -            -  -        118 

1276,  circ.  Exodus  of  Israel,           -            -  -              118 

1120-1090,  Tiglath-pileser  I,      -            -            -  -        134 

1080-50,  XXth  Eg.  dynasty,            -            -  -              134 

1050-945,  XXIst  Eg.  dynasty,    -            -            -  -        134 

931,  circ.  Division  of  the  kingdom,            -  -              297 

930-728,  XXIInd-XXVth  Eg.  dynasties,          -  -        100 

884-60,  Assurnatsirpal  king  of  Assyria,      -  -              134 

860-25,  Shalmaneser  II  king  of  Assyria,          -  -        149 

854,  Shal.'s  battle  at  Karkar,           -            -  -              150 

851,  Probable  date  of  death  of  Ahab,              -  -        153 

850,  circ,  Moabite  Stone  set  up,    -           -  -              144 

842,  Jehu  paid  tribute  to  Shal.  II,       -            -  292-93,154 

810-781,  Ramman-nirari  king  of  Assyria,      -  -           157 

804-797,  Ramman-nirari's  western  campaigns,  -        157 

745-27,  Tiglath-pileser  III  king  of  Assyria,  -             161 
740,  Capture  of  Arpad,  -----        162 

739,  Syria  reduced,  -----  162 

732,  Damascus  captured,           .            .           -  -        168 

627-22,  Shal.  IV  king  of  Assyria,    -            -  -              171 

722-05,  Sargon  II  king  of  Assyria,        -            -  -        174 

722,  Fall  of  Samaria,            -            -            -  -              174 
720,  Hamath  reduced,    -----        175 

720,  Eg.  army  defeated,       -           -           -  -             176 

307 


308  ANCIENT   DATES  MENTIONED 

B.  C.  Page 

717,  Fall  of  Carchemish,            .            .            .  .  76,267 

715,  Importations  into  Samaria,     -            -            -  176 

711  (or  713),  Ashdod  reduced,   -            -            -  -        177 

710,  Merodach-Baladan's  alliance  against  Sargon,  179 
705,  Death  of  Sargon,     -----        179 

705-681,  Sennacherib  king  of  Assyria,       -            -  180 

701,  Campaign  against  Judah,  -            -            -  -        189 

681,  Death  of  Sennacherib,             -            -            -  194 

681-668,  Esarhaddon  king  of  Assyria,              -  -        194 

678,  Esarh.  in  West-land,    ....  195 

675-4,  Esarh.  in  the  desert,        -           -           -  -        195 

673,  Esarh.  against  Egypt,  -            ...  196 

670,  Esarh.  against  Egypt,        -            -            -  -        196 

668-26,  Assurbanipal  king  of  Assyria,        -            -  197 

662,  Destruction  of  Thebes,      -           .           -  -        197 

650,  circ,  destruction  of  Susa,        ...  252 

648,  Assurb.  king  of  Babylon,   ...  -        199 

626,  Death  of  Assurbanipal,            -            -            -  205 
625,  Nabopolassar's  appointment,        ...        205 

607-6,  Fall  of  Nineveh,         ....  205-6 

605,  Neb.'s  battle  with  Necho,  -           -           -  -        211 

604-561,  Nebuchadrezzar  king  of  Babylon,           -  215 

561-559,  Evil- Merodach  king  of  Babylon,        -  -        218 

559-555,  Nergalsharezer  king  of  Babylon,              -  219 

555-538,  Nabonidus  king  of  Babylon,  -           -  -        220 

559,  Rise  of  Cyrus, 223 

549,  Cyrus  absorbed  Media,      -           -           -  .        224 

538,  Fall  of  Babylon,            ....  229 

529,  Death  of  Cyrus, 252 

529-2,  Cambyses  king  of  Persia      ...  253 

522,  Suicide  of  Cambyses,         -            -     .       -  -        253 

521-485,  Darius  (I)  Hystaspes,        -           -           -  249, 253 
516,  Capture  of  Babylon  by  Darius,    ...        229 

516,  Completion  of  second  temple,             -            -  253 

515,  Behistun  inscription  inscribed,    -            -  -        252 

508,  Scythia  invaded,           ....  253 

490,  Battle  of  Marathon,            -            -            -  -        253 

485-64,  Xerxes  I  (Ahasuerus)  King  of  Persia,       -  253 


ANCIENT  DATES  MENTIONED  309 

B.  O.  Page 

485,  Egypt  subdued, 253 

483,  Feast  of  Xerxes,            ....  255 

480,  Battle  of  Salamis, 254 

479,  Battle  of  PlatEea,           ....  254 

464-24,  Artaxerxes  (I)  Longimanus  King  of  Persia,   -  248 

458,  Ezra's  return  from  Babylon,   ...  287 

445,  Nehemiah's  return  from  Susa,      -            -            -  287 

436,  Nehemiah's  return  to  Susa,    -            -            -  288 

406-359,  Artaxerxes  (II)  Mnemon  King  of  Persia,     -  261 


TEXTS  QUOTED  AND  NOTED 

BIBLICAL 


Page 

Genesis  ii.  10-14 87 

iii.l5 28 

X 97,98 

x.22,23 268 

xi.31 269       2 

xii.  6 102 

xiii 67 

xiv 32,  101       ^ 

xxii.  21,23 269 

xxiii 76 

xxiv.  4, 10, 15 269 

XXV.  20 269 

xxxi.  18 269 

XXXV.  9,  26 269 

xxxviii.  5-7 269 

xlvi.l5 269 

Exodusi.ll 116       2 

i.l4  122 

vi.  17 117 

xii.  38 118 

XX.  11 86 

Numbers  xx.  13, 14 25 

xxii.,  xxiii 237 

xxii.  5 151 

xxii.  7,  16,17,  37 238 

xxiii.  7 269 

xxiv.  13 238 

Deuteronomy  iii.  9 154 

V.  15 86 

Joshua  i.  4 262 

ix.  17 127 

xi.3 127 

Judgesi 128 

iii.3 127 

310 


iii.  8-10.. 
xix.-xxi. 


Page 

..  269 
..  131 


1  Samuel  xiv.  47 271 

Samuel  viii.  3-12 271 

X.  6-18 271 

16 269 

Kingsx.29 76 

xi.  23-25 271,273 

xi.  26-40 141 

xiv.25-28 141 

XV.  16  ff 273 

xvi.  18 208 

XX.  1  flf 273 

XX.  34 149 

xxii 153 

Kings  i.  19 244 

iii 142 

iii.4 293 

iii.  4-27 144 

v.  2 274 

V.  18 277 

vi.8-10 274 

vii.  6 76,  274 

viii 153 

viii.  16 244 

ix.  14 274 

x.32,33... 155,274 

xiii.3 275 

xiii.  4,  5 156 

xiii.  7 156 

xiii.  14-17,  25 276 

xiii.  24 276 

XV.  19,20 163 

XV.  29 166 


TEXTS  QUOTED  AND  NOTED 


311 


Page 

XV.80 167 

xvi.7 166 

xvi.9ff 168 

xvi.  10 169 

xvii3-6 171 

xvii.  24  fE 174,  282 

xvii.  25-28 283 

xvii.  29-33 283 

xviii.  1,9,10 188 

xviii.  9-11 172-3 

xviii.  13 188 

xviii.  17 189 

xix.S 189 

xix.37 193-4 

xxiv.l,  7 211 

xxiv.l2 213 

1  Chronicles  vii.  21,  22,  24 115 

xviii.  10 271 

2  Chronicles  xxvi.  10 161 

xxviii.  16 166 

xxxiii.  10-13 201 

xxxvi.6 212 

Ezrai.l 234 

i.  2^ 234-5 

ii 235 

ui.2-7 235 

iv,  2 285 

iv.3 ,285,  288 

iv.9,10 286 

v.13-16 235 

vi.1-5 235 

ix.2 287 

x.ll 287 

Nehemiahi.l 248 

iv.l 287 

iv.2 288 

vi.lO 288 

xiii.6 288 

xiii.  23-25 288 

xiii.28 289 

Estherii.16 256 

ii.l8 257 

iii.7 258 

V.l 260 


Page 

Vi.4 260 

vii.  7 260 

viii.l5 257 

Isaiah  v.  25-29 207,  209 

vii 165 

XV.  2 142 

xvii.  14 191 

xix 198 

XX.  1 33,  177 

XXX.,  xxxi 184 

xxxvii.  36 191 

xl.  1,  2 231 

xli.2-4 231 

xliv.28 234 

xlv.1,4,5 232 

xlvi.1,2 232 

xlvii.  1,  5, 13,  15 232 

liii 28 

Jeremiah  v.,  vi 204 

xxii.  19 213 

XXV.  1 212 

xxix.  5 239 

xxxvi.  30 213 

xxxix.  3 219 

xlvi 211 

Ezekieli.  10 88 

X.  14 88 

xxxviii 204 

Daniel  i.l 211 

ii.  1, 13,  48,  49 238 

iv 239 

iv.30 216 

V.ll 240 

V.  30 243 

V.  31 245 

vii.,  viii 245 

viii.2 248 

ix.l 246 

Nahum 207 

ii.  9,  12,18,19 208-9 

iii.3 208 

Zephaniah  ii.  13-15 207 

Zechariah  xii.  11 278 


TEXTS  QUOTED  AND  NOTED 

EXTRA-BIBLICAL 


Herodotus  n,  141. 


Page 
..  191 


Josephus,  Antiq.  xi.  8.  2 289 

Layard,  Insc,  50,10 163 

I   Rawl.  67,  col.  ii.  15-39 219 

68,  No.  1,  col.  ii.  24-31...  241 

II    Rawl.  67,  61-62 169 

ni   Rawl.  5,  No.  6,  40-65 154 

8,78-102 150 

9,  No.  2,2-3 163 

9,No.3,30-32 162 

10,No.2,20 167 

IV    Rawl.  43 90 

V   Rawl.  64,  col.  i.  38-49 220 

64,  col.  ii.  24,  25 221 

Amama  Letters,   Berlin  coll., 

31,21-24 263 

33,38-41 264 

160,8-26 264 

Assurb.  Rassam   Cyl.  col.  iii. 

96-108 198 

V.128— vi.76 250 

Assyr.  Lesestiicke,  3  ed.,  93-95 .  .80-82 

Ball's  Cyl.  Neb 217 

Cyrus'  Cyl.  6-8 222 

11-19 227 

20-22 223 

22-24 227 


Page 

24-36 229 

32 234 

Nab.  Annals  (Nab.-Cyr.  Chron . ) , 

Col.  ii.  Obv.1-4 224 

Col.  ii.  Obv.  5, 10, 19, 23 242 

Col.  ii.  Obv.  15-18 225 

Col.  i.  Rev.  12-24 225 

Col.  i.  Rev,  13 243 

Col.  i.  Rev.  13,14 242 

Col.  i.  Rev.  16-19 244 

Col.  i.  Rev.  20 245 

Nab. Stele  (Cor.  Cyl.)  col. i....  205 

Col.  iv.  3-6 219 

Col.  v.8f 219 

Neb.,  East  India  House,  col.  ii. 

12-29 216 

Neb.,  Phillips  Cyl.  col.  iii.  18-22  215 

Sargon,  Winckler's,  pi.  1, 10  ff..  174 
W.  (Annals,  94-99),  pi.  4,  8, 

3-7 176 

W.  (Annals,  95-97),  pi.  4,  8, 

4-8 282 

W.  pi.  33,  101  f 177 

W.  pi.  44  D,  25  ff 178 

Senn.,  Taylor  Cyl.  col.  ii.  34  f.. 181-3 
Shal.  II.  Obelisk,  Face  D,  top, 

59-64 226 

Univ.  Penn.  Texts,  Vol.  IX,  p. 

28 218 


312 


INDEX 


References  are  to  pages;  italicized  words  are  titles  of  books;  and  the 
asterisk  (*)  indicates  an  illustration. 


*Aamu  (Semites)  family  entering 

Egypt,  101. 
Abdili'tu,  of  Arvad,  189. 
Abel,  city,  142. 
Abel-beth-maacah,  167. 
Abimelech,  101. 
Abner,  133. 
Abnunak,  229. 
Abraham,  54;  in  Egypt,  100. 
Absalom,  136. 
Abyssinia.  98. 
Accad,  199,  223,  226,  251. 
Accho,  111,  181. 
Achzib,  188. 
VAcropole  de  Suse,  250. 
Adar,  deity,  91. 
Adar  (Feb.),  226. 
Addu,  Aramaean  deity,  278. 
Adinnu,  151. 
Adonijah,  136. 
Adrammeleeh,  deity,  284. 
Adullam,  142. 
Adunu-Baal,  151. 
jEgean  Sea,  225. 
Ahab,  63, 144, 149, 151,  293. 
Ahasuerus  (Xerxes) ,  254. 
Ahaz,  e3,  164,  165,  168-9,  294. 
Ahimelech,  kg  of  Ashdod,  197. 
Ahimiti,  kg  of  Ashdod,  177. 
Aijalon,  142. 
Akaba,  166, 195, 199. 
Aleppo  (Chalman),  151. 
"Alexander  the  Great  of  Egypt," 

110. 
Alexandria,  40. 


Allemant,  M.,  104. 

Amalekites,  132,  135. 

Amenophis  II,  103. 

Amenophis  III,  111,  263,  270. 

Amenophis  IV,  111,  263,  270. 

Amki,  land,  264. 

Ammon,  Ammonites,  130, 135, 151, 

169,  185. 
*Amorites,  127, 142, 157;  *portraitof, 

128. 
Amos,  160. 

Anammelech,  deity,  83. 
Anshan  (Elam),  224. 
Antef,  Eg.  premier,  104. 
Anu,  81,  92. 
Anunnaki,  83. 
*Apadana,  throne-room,  252,  258-9; 

*Vie\v  of,  259. 
Apharsathchites,  285. 
Apharsites,  285. 
Aphek,  373. 

Arabia,  Arabians,  79, 151, 168,  200. 
Aradus,  73,  74. 

Aramaeans  (Syrians),  135, 199.268-9. 
Aramaic,  272. 

Aram^,  son  of  Gusi,  151,  265. 
Aram-naharaim,  269. 
Ararat,  194. 
Arbela,  city,  225. 
Archaeology's  gains,  294-5. 
Archevites,  285. 
Argana,  151. 
Argob,  69. 
Argyll,  Duke  of,  67. 
Arkata,  111. 

313 


314 


INDEX 


Amon,  146. 

Aroer,  146. 

Arpachshad,  268. 

Arpad,  city,  162, 176,  276. 

Artaxerxes  I,  248,  285. 

Artaxerxes  II,  78,  252,  261. 

ArurQU  (Arimu),  270. 

Arvad,  151,  169, 181, 185. 

Asia  Minor,  76. 

Ashdod,  130, 177, 185, 197. 

Ashima,  deity,  284. 

Ashkelon,  111,  130, 16&. 

Ashtor-Chemosh,  145. 

Asshur,  deity,  98. 199,  250,  268. 

Asshur-etil-ilani,  205. 

AsshviT-utir-atsbat,  151,  265. 

Assurbanipal,  in  Eg.,  197;  kg  of 
Babylon,  199;  takes  Manasseh, 
201;  destroys  Susa,  250-1,  285-6. 

Assumatsirpal,  49, 148,  270. 

Assyrian  Discoveries,  53. 

Assyrische  Lesestuecke,  80-2. 

Astarte,  74. 

Astyages,  of  Media,  223,  224. 

Avvites,  284. 

Azariah  (Uzziah),  63,  160-1,  163, 
164,  293. 

Aziru,  111,  263. 

Azur,  city,  181. 

Azuri,  of  Ashdod,  177, 178. 

Baal,  71,  74,  295. 

Baalam,  237,  269. 

Baal-Meon,  145. 

Baal-Rosh,  154. 

Baasha,  of  Israel,  273. 

Ba'asha,  of  Ammon,  151. 

Baba,  107-8. 

Bab-Salameti,  199. 

♦Babylon,  58,  199,  226.  228;  *cunei- 

form  account  of  capture  of,  227; 

*Walls  of,  238. 
Babylonia,  179, 180,  195,  237,  285-6. 
Bttlak,  of  Moab,  237,  269. 
Barak,  130. 
Bashan,  69. 
Bashemath,  76. 


Beeri,  the  Hittlte,  76. 

Behistun,  58. 

*Behistun  Rock,  56. 

Bel  (Merodach),  81,  94,  217,  224,  228, 

230,  232. 
Belshazzar,  236-44,  294. 
Beltis,  199. 

Bene-Berak,  city,  181. 
Ben-hadad   II,   149,  293;  ni,  273, 

276. 
Berosus,  63. 
Berothai,  city,  271. 
Betah,  city,  271. 
Beth-Ammon,  181, 197. 
Beth-anath,  142. 
Beth-Baal-Meon,  146. 
Beth-Bamoth,  146. 
Beth-Dagon,  181. 
Beth-Diblathen,  146. 
Beth-horon,  142. 
Beth-Mehedeba,  146. 
Beth-rehob,  271. 
Beth-Ziti,  181. 
Bezer,  146. 
Birch,  Dr.  142. 

*Birs  Nimrud,  tower  of  Babel,  36. 
Black  Sea.  98. 
*Black  Obelisk  of  Shalmaneser  II, 

154. 
Bliss,  F.  J.,  69. 
Borsippa,  199,  216. 
Bosrah,  54. 
Botta,  P.  E.,  45. 
Boussard,  39. 

British  Museum,  45,  49,  59,  62. 
Brothers,"  "Tale  of  the  two,  103. 
Bunsen,  41. 
Burraburyash,  112. 
Byblos,  111,  181,  185. 

Cambyses,  father  of  Cyrus,  223;  son 

of  Cyrus,  229. 
Canaan,  97,  123, 128. 
Canaanite,  127. 
Canning,  Sir  S.,  48. 
Cappadocia,  267. 
Carchemish,  264-6. 


INDEX 


315 


Caspian  Sea,  98. 

Cave,  Alf.,  95. 

Chaldxa  and  Susiana,  249. 

Chaldeans  (Chaldaeans) ,  199. 

Chaldeans  (wise  men), 237. 

Chalman  (Aleppo),  151. 

*Champollion,  41. 

Chattin,  151. 

Chayani,  son  of  Gabari,  151,  265. 

Chayapa,  Arab  tribe,  176. 

Chebar,  218. 

Chedorlaomer,  101,  293. 

Chemosh,  deity  of  Ammon,  144-5. 

Chemosh-melek,  of  Moab,  144. 

Chemosh-nadab,  of  Moab,  181. 

Cherubim,  88. 

Chinneroth,  110. 

Chislev  (Nov.),  226,  248. 

Chronological  gains,  296-7. 

Clermont-Ganneau,  M.,  67, 143 

Commerce,  Solomon's,  138. 

Creation,  cuneiform,  80-84. 

Crete,  128. 

Croesus,  of  Lydia,  225. 

Cuneiform  tablet,  52. 

Cuneiform  language,  61-2. 

Cuneiform  literature,  62-66. 

Cushan-rishathaim,  129,  269. 

Cutha,  199. 

Cyaxares,  of  Media,  210,  213. 

Cyprus,  73,  74,  101. 

*Cyrus,  63;  grandfatherof,  224;  king 
of  Persia,  225;  a  polytheist,  230-3; 
policy  of,  229,  294;  *portrait  of, 
234;  *clay  cylinder  of,  227. 

Damascus,    110,  135,  168,  176,  273; 

fall  of,  276-7. 
Daniel,  236-45. 
Daniel,  book  of,  246. 
Darius  (I)  Hystaspes,  249,  285. 
"Darius  the  Mede,"  245. 
David,  133. 
Deborah,  130. 
Dehaites,  285. 
Delitzsch,  Prof.,  87. 
Deluge,  Babylonian,  89-93. 


♦Deluge  tablet,  a,  89. 

Deportation,  policy  of,  280. 

Di  Cesnola,  73. 

Dibon,  142,  146. 

Dieulafoy  at  Susa,  78,  249,  257. 

Dodeh,  145. 

Dreams,  Pharaoh's,  104. 

Dudu,  263. 

Durili,  city,  229. 

Ea,  deity,  81,  91. 

E-barra,  temple,  221. 

Ecbatana,  taken  by  Cyrus,  224. 

Eden,  garden  of,  87. 

Edom,  135,  157,  178, 185. 

Egulgul,  temple  of  Sin,  220. 

Egypt,  extent  of,  38;  dynasties  of, 
100. 

VEgypte,  La  Description  de,  41. 

Ehud,  130. 

Eighteenth  dynasty,  fall  of,  112. 

Ekron,  130,  182,  186. 

El,  278. 

Elah,  167. 

Elam,  98,  199,  223. 

Elamites,  285. 

Eli,  131. 

Elon,  76. 

Elteke,  182, 186. 

Eniel,  of  Hamath,  266. 

Ennugi,  91. 

Ephron,  the  Hittite,  76. 

Esagila,  temple,  217,  226,  228. 

*Esarhaddon,  in  Asia,  195;  in  Egypt, 
196;  death  of,  197;  285-6;  ♦por- 
trait of,  196. 

Esau,  76,  269. 

Esther,  248,  260. 

Esther,  book  of,  248-9,  256,  260-1. 

Ethnographical  gains,  297. 

Euphrates  River,  87. 

Eusebius,  89. 

Evil-Merodach,  218. 

Exodus,  Phar.  of  the,  117;  route  of, 
119. 

Ezekiel.  colossi  of,  88. 

Ezida,  temple,  217. 


316 


INDEX 


Fall  of  man,  89. 
Flandin,  M.,  48. 
Fresnel,  M.,  51. 

Galilee,  167. 

Gath,  130, 156. 

Gaza,  130,  137, 142, 167,  176, 220. 

Gebeil,  73. 

Gebel  Silsilis,  120. 

Geographical  gains,  295-6. 

Gerizim,  Mt..  289. 

Geshem,  the  Arabian,  288. 

Gether,  268. 

Gezer,  111. 

Giammu,  151. 

Gibeon,  127, 142. 

Gilboa,  Mt.,  133. 

Gilead,  167. 

Gilgamesh  epic,  89. 

Gilza,  152. 

Gindibu'u,  151. 

Girgashites,  127. 

Gizeh,  museum  of,  120, 293. 

Glaser,  E.,  79. 

Gobryas,  226. 

Goshen,  108. 

Goyim  (nations),  102. 

Gubaru,  245. 

Gudea,  king  of  Lagash,  54. 

Guhana,  87. 

Gurgum,  151. 

Gute,  199. 

Gutium,  102, 226. 

Hadad,  deity,  278. 

Hadad,of  Edom,  139. 

Hadadezer  of  Zobah,  135,  269,  271. 

Hadadezer  of  Damascus,  151,  266. 

Hadad-Rimmon,  278. 

Ham,  98. 

Haman,  257,  260. 

Hamath,  110,  135, 151, 175,  271. 

Hamathites,  286. 

Hamilton,  W.  R.,  40. 

Hanno,  of  Gaza.  167, 169, 176. 

Harran,  99.  221,  270. 

Hauran,  154. 


Hazael,  153-6,  274-5, 293. 

Hazor,  110, 167. 

Helam,  271. 

Herodotus,  63. 

Heroo polls  (Ero),  116. 

Hezekiah,  177, 179. 182, 184, 188. 

Hincks,  Edw.,  59. 

Hiram  of  Tyre,  164,  266. 

*Hittites,  75-8,  113, 126,  135, 157, 181; 
sources  of  information,  262;  in 
Amama  tablets,  263;  XlXth 
dynasty,  264-5;  crushed,  267; 
♦portrait  of,  264;  *portrait  of  a 
king  of,  264;  *an  inscription  of 
the,  267. 

Hivites,  126. 

Hophra,  of  Egypt,  214. 

Horonaim,  146. 

Hosea,  160. 

Hoshea,  of  Israel,  63, 167, 171, 188, 
282,  294. 

Hul,  268. 

Hyksos,  102, 108,  110,  293. 

Hystasjjes,  58. 

Ibadid,  Arab  tribe,  176. 
Idagama,  264. 
Iddin-Merodach,  241. 
Ijon,  166. 
Ilubi'id,  176. 

Importation,  policy  of.  281. 
Indian  Ocean,  98. 
Irchulina,  of  Hamath,  151,  266. 
Irkanati,  151. 
Isaiah,  165. 
Ishtar,  220, 251. 

*  "Israel"  on  Eg.  tablet,  see  Frontis- 
piece. 
Israel,  oppressors  of,  129. 
Ithamar  of  Sabeea,  177. 
Ithobal,  181. 

Ja'di.  278. 
Jahaz,  145. 
Janoah,  167. 
Japhet,  98. 
Jebusites.  127. 


INDEX 


317 


Jehoahaz,  156,  275. 

Jehoiakim,  211-2. 

Jehoiakin,  213. 

Jehoram,  of  Israel,  144. 

Jehoram,  of  Judah,  244. 

Jehoshaphat,  144. 

*  "Jehu  son  of  Omri,"  63,  155; 
♦portrait  of,  292. 

Jephthah,  130. 

Jeroboam  I,  140. 

Jeroboam  II,  159,  163,  276. 

Jerusalem,  69,  111,  133,  182,  213. 

Jerusalem,  69. 

Jerusalem,  Excavations  at,  70. 

♦Jews,  Procession  of,  paying  trib- 
ute to  Shalmaneser  II,  292-3. 

Joab,  133. 

Joash,  of  Israel,  276. 

Jonah,  50. 

Joppa,  110,  181. 

Joseph,  102-9. 

Josephus,  89. 

Joshua,  J29. 

Josiah,  210. 

Jotham,  164. 

Judah,  178. 

Judah-melech,  142. 

Judith,  76. 

Kadesh,  264-5. 

Kalparuda,  of  Chattin,  151,  265. 

Kalparuda,  of  Gurgum,  151,  265. 

Karduniash  (Babylonia),  251. 

Karkar,  city,  151-3,  176,  266,  272. 

Kamak,  110, 141. 

Kaushmalak,  of  Edom,  169. 

Kedesh,  167. 

Khauser  River,  46. 

Khorsabad,  46,  179. 

Khu-n-Aten  (Amenophis  IV),  113. 

Kinza,  264. 

Kipkip,  capital  of  Nubia,  197. 

Kitlala,  151. 

Klein,  F.,  142. 

Koikylides,  C.  M.,  70. 

Korkhah,  144,  145. 

Kudur,  101. 


Kudur-Mabug,  king  of  Elam,  102. 

Kue,  land,  151. 

Kumukh,  city,  163. 

Kundashpi,  of  Kumukh,  151,  265. 

Kurdistan,  102. 

Kushtashpi,  of  Kumukh,  163. 

Labashi-Merodach,  219. 

♦Lachish,  186-7, 189-90, 295;  *picture 
of  storming  of,  187. 

Lachamu,  deity  (!),81. 

Lachmu,  deity  (!),  81. 

Lagamar(u),  deity,  102,251 

Lalli,ofMilid,  151,265. 

Larsa,  102. 

♦Layard,  A.  H.,  48-51;  *portrait  of, 
48. 

Libnah,  190. 

Light  from  the  East,  217. 

Linguistic  gains,  299. 

Loftus,  W.  K.,  51,  249. 

Louvre,  museum,  20,  259. 

♦Louvre,  view  of  Khorsabad  co- 
lossi, 20. 

Lud,  268. 

Lull,  181. 

Lybian  desert,  98. 

Maacha,  135. 

Machalliba,  181. 

Machpelah,  76, 

♦Madaba  map,  70. 

Malikram,  of  Edom,  181. 

Manasseh,  of  Judah,  196,  200-1,  290. 

Manasseh,  high-priest,  289. 

Marches  van  (Oct.),  226. 

Mari',  of  Damascus,  157,  276. 

Marsiman,  Arab  tribe,  176. 

Martu,  264. 

Mash  (Mas),  268. 

Mashga,  151. 

Matinu-Baal  (Matanbi'il),  151, 169. 

Mattaniah,  214. 

Medeba  (Mehedeba) ,  70, 145. 

Media,  98. 

Median,  59. 

Mediterranean  Sea,  98,  etc. 


318 


INDEX 


Jleghazils,  74. 

Megiddo,  110, 141,  210. 

Melchizedek,  101. 

Melucha  (Sinaitic  Peninsula),  178, 

182, 186,  199. 
Memphis,  40,  196. 

Minahem,  of  Israel,  63, 164,  266, 294. 
Menahcm,  of  Samsiruna,  181. 
Meneptah  II,  118-20;  293. 
Merodach,  81-4,  195,  214,  217,  219, 

227,  229,  230. 
Merodach-Baladan,  179, 180,  205. 
Mesha,  144. 
Midianites,  180. 
Mitanni,  111,  129, 135,  270. 
Mitinti,  of  Ashkelon,  169,197. 
Mitinti,  of  Ashdod,  181, 183. 
Mi-Turnu,  city,  229. 
Moab,  130, 135,  144,  169, 178. 
*Moabite  Stone,  142-7;  *pictureof, 

144. 
Monument  de  Ninive,  48. 
Monuments  of  Nineveh,  The,  51. 
Morgan,  de,  at  Susa,  250. 
Mordecai,  257-60. 
Mound  of  Many  Cities,  A,  70. 
Mugheir  (Ur  of  the  Chaldees),  99. 
Mutsri,  of  Cappadocia,  151. 

Nablus,  143,  249. 

Nabonidus,  63,  205,  220,  223,  294. 

Nabopolassar,  205. 

Nadaillac,  95. 

Nahor,  269. 

Nahum,  50. 

Nana,  goddess,  250. 

Naphtali,  167. 

Napoleon's  campaign  to  Eg.,  39. 

Naram-Sin,  101,  221. 

Naville,  Ed.,  at  Pithom,  116-9. 

Nebaioth,  201. 

Nebo,  147,  195,  217. 

Nebo-zabit,  241. 

♦Nebuchadrezzar,     II,     205,     211; 

*cameo  of,  238. 
♦Nebuchadrezzar   II.    East   India 

House  inscription  of,  216. 


Necho,  governor  of  Eg.,  202;  kingof 

Eg.,  210-1,  236. 
Nehemiah,  248. 
Nergal,  deity,  151,  284. 
Nergalsharezer  (Neriglissar),  219. 
Nibhaz,  deity,  284. 
Nile-land,  195,  etc. 
Nineteenth  dynasty,  rise  of,  113. 
Nineveh,  50-2,  65;  fall  of,  205,  294. 
Nineveh  and  Babylon,  51. 
Nineveh  and  its  Remains,  51. 
Nippur,  54. 
Nippur,  55. 

Nisan  (Mch.-Apr.),  226. 
Nisroch  (Nusku),  193. 
Nitsir,  Mt.,  93. 
Nukhasse,  263-4,  272. 

Old  Testament,  religious  history, 

22;  one  centurj'  ago,  31. 
Omri,  kingof  Israel, 49, 63, 144;  land 

of,  148,  157. 
On,  high-priest  of,  105. 
Ophir,  137. 
Oppert,  M.  J.,  51,  59. 
Oppression,  Phar.  of  the,  116. 
Orontes  River,  152, 162. 
Osnappar,  285. 
Othniel,  129. 

Padi,  kingof  Ekron,  182-4. 

Paddan-Aram,  135,  269. 

Palestine,  67-70,  124,  125,  199. 

Palmer.  E.  H.,  68. 

Palmer,  H.  S.,  68. 

Panammu  II,  266,  272,  278. 

Paphos,  73. 

Partikira,. deity,  251. 

Payne,  Dr.,  119. 

Pekah,  63,  164,  167,  276,  294. 

Pekahiah,  164. 

Pelusium,  191. 

Pentaur,  poem  of,  114, 127. 

Perizzites,  127. 

Persia,  225. 

Persian  cuneiform,  58. 

Philistia,  60,  135,  178. 


INDEX 


319 


♦Philistines,  128,  130;  *portrait  of 
one,  128, 

♦Phoenicia,  71-5, 169, 195;  ♦inscrip- 
tion of,  75. 

Phoenicians,  123. 

Pinches,  T.  G.,  82. 

Pir-napishtim,  90-3. 

Pisfinu,  87. 

Pisiris,  of  Carchemish,  226. 

Pithom  uncovered,  116. 

Pitru  (Pethor),  151,  237,265. 

Polytheism,  in  Jerusalem,  138. 

Polytheist,  Cyrus  a,  230. 

Potiphar,  102-3. 

Proclamation  of  Cyrus,  234. 

Prophecy  and  Cyrus,  230. 

Psammetichus  1, 198. 

Pudu'il,  of  Beth-Ammon,  181. 

Pul(u)  (Tiglath-pileser  III),  161. 

Pur,  Purim,  257-8. 

♦Pyramids  of  Gizeh,  31. 

Qutu,  229. 

Raamses,  116, 152. 

Rabbath-Ammon,  136. 

Rabsbakeh,  189. 

Rameses  1, 113. 

♦Rameses  II,  76, 113, 120, 293;  ♦mum- 
my of,  120. 

Rameses  III,  134,  270. 

Ramman,  see  Rimmon. 

Ramman-nirari,  157-9. 

Ra-Sekenem  Taa  III,  108. 

Rassam,  H.,  49,51,53. 

♦Rawlinson,  H.  C,  51,  56-9,  67,  99; 
♦portrait  of,  59. 

Rehob.  city,  135, 151. 

Rehoboam,  140-2. 

Rekh-ma-ra,  97. 

Rekub-el,  278. 

Religious  gains,  298. 

Remaliah,  167. 

Renan,  E.,  71. 

Rezon  of  Zobah,  139,  271. 

Rezin  (Rezon),  of  Damascus,  163, 
164, 168,  266,  294. 


Riblah,  210,  214. 

Rich,  C.  J.,  45. 

Rimmon  (Ramman),  276. 

Rosetta  Stone,  39-41. 

♦Rosetta  Stone,  39. 

♦Rosetta  Stone  in  British  Museum, 

43. 
Rouge,  104. 
Rukiptu,  181. 

Sabbath,  85. 

Saint  Julien,  39. 

Salamanu,  of  Moab,  169. 

Sam'al,  266,  272. 

Samaria,  fall  of,  174,  294. 

♦Samaritans,  279-90;  ♦Pentateuch 
of,  289. 

Samsi,  queen  of  Arabia,  176. 

Samson,  131. 

Samuel,  131. 

Sanballat,  287-9. 

Sangar,  of  Carchemish,  151,  265. 

Sanipu,  of  Ammon,  169. 

Sarepta,  181. 

Sargon  1, 101,  221. 

♦Sargon  II,  76, 173-9,  282,  294;  ♦por- 
trait of,  174. 

♦Sargon's  Palace,  47, 65 ;  ♦bird's-eye 
view  of,  47. 

Sarzec,  de,  M.  E.,  54. 

Saul,  132-3. 

Sayce,  Prof.,  142. 

Scythian  invasion,  203-4. 

Senir  (Hermon),  154. 

Senjirli  (Sendsehirli),  79,  266. 

Senkereh,  102. 

♦Sennacherib,  180-93;  ♦portrait  of 
Senn.  at  head  of  his  army,  181. 

Sennacherib's  palace,  50. 

Sepharvaim,  284. 

Seti  I,  113. 

Seve,  or  So  (Shabaka),  171, 173. 

Seven,  sacredness  of,  86. 

Shabaka,  see  Seve. 

Shabataka,  177. 

Shaftsbiiry,  Earl  of,  67. 

Sha^i,^ur,  151, 265. 


320 


INDEX 


♦Shalmaneser  II,  63,  148-56;  ♦por- 
trait of,  150;  *Jews  paying  trib- 
ute to,  292-3. 

Shalmaneser  IV,  281. 

Shamash  (Shemesh).  92.217,  220-1. 

Shamash-shum-ukin,  198-9,207,  251. 

Sharludari  of  Ashkelon,  181. 

Shem.  98. 

Shemaiah,288. 

Shemesh,  278. 

Shepherd-Kings,  104. 

Shian,  land.  151. 

Shishak,  140-2,  293. 

*Shishak  with  his  Palestinian  cap- 
tives, 141. 

Shubandi.  111. 

Shumudi,  251. 

Shunem,  142. 

Shurippak,  city,  90-1, 

Shushan,  the  palace,  248,  258-9. 

Shushanchites,  285. 

Shushinak,  deity,  251. 

Sidon,  148, 181, 185. 

Sin,  moon  god,  99;  temple  of,  220-1. 

Sinai,  survey  of,  68. 

Sippar,  221,  226. 

So,  see  Seve. 

Sojourn  in  Egypt,  120-1. 

Solomon,  136. 

Stanley,  Dean,  67. 

Succoth-benoth,  deity,  284, 

Sumer  (and  Accad),  223,  227,  230, 
251. 

Susa,  18,  248, 250-1,  294. 

Susiana,  58, 

Syria,  76,  79. 

♦Syrians,  see  Aramaeans;  *group 
of,  272. 

Syro- Arabian  desert,  201. 

Table  of  Nations,  98. 
Talbot,  H.  F.,59. 
Tammuz  (June),  225. 
Tamud,  Arab  tribe,  176. 
Tarpelites,  285. 
Tartak.  deity.  284. 
Taurus  mountains,  267. 


Taylor,  J,  E.,  51,  99. 

Teie,  wife  of  Amenophis  III,  111, 
270. 

Teispes,  great-grandfather  of  Cy- 
rus, 224. 

*Tel  el-Amama,  38,  66,  111,  112,  125, 
262;  *tablet  from,  112. 

"  Tell  el-Hesy,"  70. 

Tel  el-Maskhuta,  116. 

Tello,  54. 

"  Ten  Tribes,  The  Lost,"  175. 

Thebes,  97.  197. 

Thomas,  M.,  51. 

Thothmes  III,  110,  113,263. 

Tiamat,  81. 

Tidal  (Turgal),  102. 

Tiglath-pileser  I,  134,  270. 

*Tiglath-pileser  III,  63,  161-71,  266, 
281;  *portrait  of,  166. 

Tigris  River,  87,  225,  229. 

Til-sha-balachi,  151. 

Timnath,  182. 

Timsah,  Lake,  119. 

Tirhakah,  184-6, 196. 

Tob,  135. 

Tobiah,  288. 

Toi,  of  Hamath,  271. 

Tomkins,  H.  G.,  104. 

Training-School  for  Israel,  122. 

Treaty,  between  Egypt  and  the 
Hittites,  114,  265;  between  Ahab 
and  Ben-hadad,  149:  between 
Hezekiah  and  Egypt,  186;  be- 
tween Babylon, Lydia  and  Media, 
223. 

Tristram,  Canon,  67. 

Tunip,  111,  264. 

Tyre,  111,  196. 

Ukhu,  city,  225. 
Ulai  (Eulffius),  river,  248. 
Ummanigash,  of  Elam,  199. 
Umman-Manda  (Medee),  206,223-4. 
Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  99,  269. 
Uriah,  the  Hittite,  76. 
Urumilku,  of  Byblos,  181. 
Usanaia,  151. 


INDEX 


321 


Ushu.  181. 
Ussher,  64,  296. 
Uzziah,  see  Azariah. 

Vashti. 

Wateh-ben-Hazael,  Arab  chief,  200. 

West-land,  101,  159,  181. 

Wilson,  Capt.,  68. 

Winckler,  H.,  174. 

Wise  men  of  Babylon,  237. 

Xenophon,  50. 
Xerxes,  58,  253-4 


Yamani,  of  Ashdod,  177. 

Zagros  mountains,  56. 
Zalzallat,  river,  225. 
Zamban,  city,  229. 
Zedekia,  of  Ashkelon,  181. 
Zedekiah,  of  Judah,  214. 
Zerubbabel,  284. 
Zidon,  97. 

Zil-bel,  king  of  Gaza,  182. 
Zimri,  suicide  of,  208. 
Zoan,  108. 


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LAKESIDE  PRESS,  CHICAGO,  ILL. 


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